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Overseas military bases have been the bedrock of the United States' ability to project military power, exert political influence and deter potential adversaries since the Second World War. But fatigue with America's forever wars', as well as more nuanced financial and strategic reasons, has inclined the public and policy community to favour reducing US global military activities and overseas presence. In this Adelphi book, Jonathan Stevenson argues that this desire does not necessarily translate into sound strategy. Overseas bases are a key element of the reassurance required to resurrect and bolster America's reputation among its allies and adversaries. Meanwhile, strategic imperatives and geopolitical realities impose restraints in every theatre. The fluidity prevailing in the Middle East and Indo-Pacific counsels maintaining forward-deployed forces there at roughly the current level. Russia's confrontational posture towards NATO and invasion of Ukraine, as well as NATO's short- and medium-term reliance on US capabilities, require the American presence in Europe to increase and expand eastward. The US should not commit itself to a foreign policy that is heavy on forward-deployed military power and light on diplomacy. But paradoxically, reducing forward military presence may not be consistent with a policy that is less focused on military power as a means of achieving stability and security.

AuthorAcknowledgements GlossaryChapter One -- Overseas bases and US strategic posture Some historical background Bring the legions home? Evolutions in military affairs Few opportunities, many constraints Chapter Two -- Basing and US grand strategy The Middle East China and the Indo-Pacific Europe and NATO Chapter Three -- Optimising US regional footprints: The Middle East Contingencies Basing implications Carrier relevance Changing environment Chapter Four -- Optimising US regional footprints: China and the Indo-Pacific Military considerations Political considerations Chapter Five -- Optimising US regional footprints: Europe Russian revanchism A robust presence Chapter Six -- Conclusion The Indo-Pacific The Middle East Europe Prospects NotesIndex

The first in-depth look at two incidents of alleged troop refusals to obey an order at an artillery base near the Cambodian border in 1971. Uses these incidents as a lens for bringing into sharper and more precise focus the nature of our war in Vietnam during the waning years of our involvement there.

The authors analyze the forms of interaction between the United States and Latin America in the military sphere. The relevance of studying this issue is due to the aggravation of relations between the collective West and Russia, as well as between the United States and China, within the framework of which Latin America acts as a zone of competition between the world powers. In this regard, the analysis of Latin American vector of US policy in the military aspect from the point of view of Russia's strategic interests is particularly important. The lack of domestic scientific research on this problem greatly adds to its relevance. As for the novelty, based on the review of the world market of arms and military equipment (AME), this article determines the dynamics and the share of the American producer in the total volume of arms trade. In the context of military-technical cooperation (MTC), the authors also consider the peculiarities of the American military power projection on Latin America, which is a zone of exclusive interests of the United States. Among the key formats of interaction and projection of influence, the authors include the following: arms and military-technical supplies to the armies and security services of the states of the region; training of military personnel in Latin American countries; financing of armies and military units; cooperation programs to optimize the managerial and organizational functions of the Latin American armed forces, establishment and maintenance of various types of military bases, conducting joint military exercises. Using new factual material, we examine each of the listed forms and show the systematic and geostrategic nature of the US influence on the Latin American region in the military aspect. As for military trade, the authors identify the main partners of the United States in South America.

Abstract
The process used to determine site suitability for military base camps lacks a formal framework for reducing relative risks to soldier safety and maximise mission effectiveness. Presently, military personnel responsible for determining site suitability of a base camp must assess large amounts of geographic, socioeconomic and logistical data, without a decision analysis framework to aid in the process. By adopting a multicriteria decision analysis (MCDA) framework to determine site suitability of base camps, battlespace commanders can make better, more defensible decisions. This paper surveys US Army officers with recent base camp experience to develop a set of initial criteria and weights relevant to base camp site selection. The developed decision framework is demonstrated using an MCDA methodology in an illustrative example to compare alternative base camp locations within a designated Area of Interest (AoI). Leveraging the site ranking output and/or criteria weights resulting from the methodology provides decision-making support that can be used in the field when time, resources and data may not be readily available.

Abstract
The process used to determine site suitability for military base camps lacks a formal framework for reducing relative risks to soldier safety and maximise mission effectiveness. Presently, military personnel responsible for determining site suitability of a base camp must assess large amounts of geographic, socioeconomic and logistical data, without a decision analysis framework to aid in the process. By adopting a multicriteria decision analysis (MCDA) framework to determine site suitability of base camps, battlespace commanders can make better, more defensible decisions. This paper surveys US Army officers with recent base camp experience to develop a set of initial criteria and weights relevant to base camp site selection. The developed decision framework is demonstrated using an MCDA methodology in an illustrative example to compare alternative base camp locations within a designated Area of Interest (AoI). Leveraging the site ranking output and/or criteria weights resulting from the methodology provides decision-making support that can be used in the field when time, resources and data may not be readily available.

This article derives from a master's thesis about the consequences of World War I in the Azores archipelago that included a chapter dedicated to the U.S. Navy facilities at Ponta Delgada on the island of São Miguel. With its two U.S. Marine Corps units, U.S. Naval Base 13 defended the port, a British wireless station near Ponta Delgada, and support structures for the assigned or passing naval units. This article offers a vision of Naval Base 13 as a U.S./Europe border during World War I that was critical to the protection of British and American military and commercial shipping and denying Germany any base of operations in the region from which to launch attacks on Allied forces.

When do we see social movements against the American military overseas, and what explains their varying intensity? Despite increasing interest in the global network of U.S. military bases on foreign soil, we still do not understand why some host communities mobilize against the American bases in their backyards, while others remain compliant. This book addresses this puzzle by investigating the contentious politics surrounding twenty U.S. military bases across Korea and Japan-faithful U.S. allies and two of the largest U.S. base hosts in the world. In particular, it looks at municipalities hosting these bases and differing levels of community acceptance and resistance over time. Drawing on fieldwork interviews, participant observation, and protest event data (2000-2015), the book shows what makes activists in base towns successful.

Abstract
In a recently published article, Allen et al. (Outside the wire: U.S. military deployments and public opinion in host states', American Political Science Review, 114(2), 326–341; 2020) argue that US military deployments nurture favorable attitudes toward the United States among foreign citizens. Their claim is based on social contact and economic compensation theories, applied to a large-scale cross-national survey project funded by the US government. However, their analysis disregards the geographical concentration of US military facilities within the host countries. To examine the relevance of geography and assess both positive and negative externalities, we focus on Japan – a notable case given its status as the country hosting the largest number of US military personnel in the world. We show that residents of Okinawa, a small prefecture hosting 70% of US military facilities within Japan have considerably unfavorable attitudes toward the US military presence in their prefecture. They hold this negative sentiment specifically toward the bases in Okinawa regardless of their contact with Americans and economic benefits and their general support for the US military presence within Japan. Our findings support an alternative theory of not-in-my-backyard. They also shed light on the importance of local foreign public opinion for foreign policy analysis and call for a more balanced scholarly debate on the externalities of the global US military presence.

Far from traditional military bases, which serve to contain neighboring powers or deter external attacks, the UAE's network of informal facilities extends across Africa and the Red Sea region.

The comparative literature on base politics often suggests that stable base politics in Okinawa were achieved, thanks to Japanese compensation politics. These claims mostly focus on the central government's strategic use of compensation politics toward Okinawa from Tokyo's perspective, ignoring the influence of local decision makers. Through a case study of the Futenma relocation process and in-depth interviews with the decision makers at the Henoko relocation site, this study highlighted the role of the local district government (Henoko) under the framework of Tokyo's strategic use of compensation politics for multilevel local governments (Okinawa Prefectural Government, Nago City Government, and Henoko). The study not only adds to the importance of local Henoko decision makers in strengthening compensation politics but also provides more nuanced views of base politics in Okinawa, which is essential to understanding how Japan managed to stabilize Okinawa's base politics in the context of anti-U.S. military bases.