Suchergebnisse

A military presence on the territory of the Republic of Belarus is highly significant for the Russian Federation geopolitically. Russia is very particular about having buffer zones, client and neighbouring states with limited sovereignty on its borders. The aim of this article is to analyse the specificity of the Russian Federation's military presence in Belarus. In the following article, two hypotheses have been verified using factor analysis. Firstly, sustaining control over the territory of Belarus is of particular importance for the military safety of Russia, while at the same time, it detrimentally affects the stability of the Central and Eastern Europe countries. Secondly, the Russian Federation does not have a permanent military base within Belarusian territory and its military presence is solely confined to the use of military and transport infrastructure, which is indispensable for rapid accommodation and deployment of the Armed Force formations as well as for the rotation of strike forces. Due to political reasons, a permanent military presence enables Russia to keep Belarus within its area of influence. Nevertheless, in military terms, the utilisation of military and transport infrastructure in order to rapidly deploy strike forces within the territory of the Republic is far more important.

Abstrakt

L'analisi dei cambiamenti avvenuti all'interno del repertorio verbale italiano sulla base dei mutamenti del trasmesso filmico di tre produzioni di epoche diverse permette di dare uno sguardo d'insieme allo sviluppo del repertorio linguistico influenzato dalle vicende storiche e sociali. Inoltre, ricorrendo agli strumenti della sociolinguistica, è stato possibile valutare se le scelte linguistiche presenti all'interno del parlato filmico veicolato dai tre film analizzati siano state determinate dalla necessità di caratterizzare i personaggi e le situazioni o se siano piuttosto da ascrivere a un riflesso degli usi e dei comportamenti linguistici reali dei parlanti.

Ewolucja języka włoskiego na podstawie analizy socjolingwistycznej języka mówionego używanego w trzech wybranych filmach

Zmiany, które nastąpiły w języku włoskim zostały poddane analizie na podstawie języka stosowanego w trzech produkcjach filmowych pochodzących z różnych okresów czasowych. Pozwoliło to na szersze spojrzenie na rozwój języka wynikający z uwarunkowań historyczno-społecznych. Analiza socjolingwistyczna pozwoliła ustalić, czy język i styl wypowiedzi używany w wybranych filmach wynikał z potrzeby wiernego oddania charakteru postaci, sytuacji, czy był raczej odzwierciedleniem zwyczajów i zachowań społeczno-językowych mówiących.

The article analyses and evaluates Polish-American cooperation in support of Ukraine after Russia's full-scale aggression in 2022. It answers the question regarding the importance of Polish-American cooperation in supporting the Ukrainian state and society. It assumes that Polish-American cooperation plays a key role in the areas of military and non-military assistance for Ukraine and Ukrainians. Both countries are among the main donors of military equipment to Ukraine, which is delivered via the territory of Poland. In addition, they put great pressure on European countries to increase military support to Ukraine. Polish-American cooperation in non-military areas is also of great importance. Poland's aid for Ukrainian refugees is crucial, and the US is involved in its delivery and financing. The US, in turn, is of paramount importance in imposing sanctions on Russia to force it to stop its aggression and in providing economic assistance to Ukraine. Poland participates in the sanctions system and strives to make them as severe as possible. Another area of Polish-American cooperation is LNG trade, which allows Poland, and potentially also other CEE countries, including Ukraine, to secure natural gas supplies after abandoning imports from Russia. During the research, interviews with American scientists and experts were conducted, and the method of analysing the content of text sources was used.

There are about 2.2 million prisoners in the USA. It is generally viewed that this number is a result of a too severe penal system connected with the introduction of the absolute intolerance for drug crimes policy. But not only gang members and drug dealers are doing time in prison, this system also applies to war veterans. In 2012, there were 181,500 veterans behind bars, especially participants of the recent wars. Most of them face problems with addiction or struggle with permanent unemployment, homelessness or psychological disorders. This phenomenon is alarming because veterans as a privileged group have a social, medical, education cover and all capabilities not to break the law. Veterans as former soldiers, disciplined and well familiar with criminal law, who received ethics and international humanitarian law training courses, from practical point of view should not break the rules stated by the legal system. The image of former veterans who served their country, totally disagree with penitentiary statistics. Recent years have shown that military service, especially in the area of conflict, may become a double-edged sword, and in fact veterans may pose a threat to society.

A few years ago, veteran employment was associated in the United States with the charity. Today both public administration and many private companies are willing to assist former soldiers. Within the next five years, about one million soldiers will have to leave the armed forces because of the planned partial withdrawal of the U.S. troops from Afghanistan and defense cuts. Most of them will find employment, however, a significant percentage, especially the young veterans of the Iraq and Afghanistan wars will remain unemployed. Veterans affairs are crucial both for the President of the United States, the Congress and the whole American society, as they are related to the economic and social aspects of the state functioning. On the other hand, misconception about ex-combatants prevents the use of their potential and skills acquired in the military, and is not reflected in any way on the economy of the state. This situation is frustrating because veterans can be very good workers having many qualities that are desirable among employers, such as leadership skills, cooperation, loyalty and initiative.

The paper provides reflections on NATO's London Summit held on 3 and 4 December 2019 in the context of Poland's military security. The paper is divided into an introduction, six sections, and a conclusion. The first section is devoted to issues of formation, functioning, and disintegration of alliances from the perspective of the theory of defensive structural realism and explains the methodological assumptions of the paper. The second section presents the atmosphere as prevailed before and during the Summit, which significantly impacted its process. The following sections are devoted to the main problems raised during the Summit from the perspective of Poland's military security. The first involved the approval of Poland and the Baltic states' defense plans together with a discussion on the danger of their blocking by the Turkish delegation. Another issue was the symbolic and practical confirmation of Article 5 of the Washington Treaty's significance in the perspective of the approach to Russia's threat. The next two problems concerned the level of Member States' defense spending and the vision of strengthening the EU's defense potential. The paper's main thesis is that the decisions of the NATO Summit in London have had a positive impact on Poland's military security. However, the climate and discussions that accompanied the Summit also brought a great deal of uncertainty and revealed a growing gap between allies concerning various issues.

The next phase of Russian aggression against Ukraine demonstrated that despite lacking a large military, territorial, population, or raw material potential, Belarus could play a significant role in the project to construct a new regional, continental, and even global security architecture. The purpose of this article is to discuss the problem of repositioning Belarus, which was affected not only by the multidimensional change in Belarusian-Ukrainian relations as a result of the war but also by long-term efforts to elevate Belarusian-EU relations. In this area, the fundamental research question is whether the war in Ukraine, the breach of the so-called Budapest Memorandum and the deepening of the multifaceted Russian-Belarusian integration within the Union State (including the militarisation of Belarus and the allocation of tactical nuclear weapons) will cause the projects for the redefinition of Belarus-EU relations (which are instrumental in reducing the intensity of political turbulence in the region) to disappear from the EU diplomatic agenda for a long time, with a direct negative impact on the future of European security. The article verifies the hypothesis that due to the specificity of the Belarusian authoritarian model, despite the systematically deepening Russian-Belarusian integration and the ever-expanding sanctions policy towards Belarus, (2) due to the shape of Belarusian-Ukrainian relations after 2014 and the periodically satisfactory Belarusian-EU relations, (1) there are still prospects for Belarus to pursue foreign policy diversification and repositioning of the European vector in it.

The South-East European Cooperation Process (SEECP) was launched in 1996, however, its functioning is an ongoing research phenomenon. This regional cooperation format includes all 13 states of South-East Europe. It was established as a forum of political dialogue and consultation, where regional issues could be addressed at the highest level. One of the objectives of the SEECP was security cooperation. The aim of this article is to analyse the role of the SEECP in maintaining security in the region of the Western Balkans. This article argues that since 1996, the SEECP has been evolving and is becoming an important format of regional cooperation in South East Europe, however, it plays a limited role in maintaining the military security of the post-conflict states of the Western Balkans. From the point of view of the members of the SEECP, military security and peace could be obtained through the integration of the participants of the SEECP, in particular those located in the Western Balkans, with the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. The article also shows that establishing the SEECP did not eliminate tensions and riots based on ethnicity in some states of the Western Balkans and so, the SEECP still has a lot to do in the matters of reconciliation and good-neighbourliness. The article is based on primary and secondary source analysis, case study method comparative analysis, and the historical method.

The Russian intervention in Syria has been the first act of a considerable scale since 1991 of a direct involvement of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation in a military conflict on a territory not included in the former Soviet Union. At the same time, it became the first operation in the history of the Russian Federation (and formerly the USSR) in which a leading role – both in the composition of the military contingent addressed there, as well as in relation to the results of actions – played the air force. This publication focuses on the genesis and the
different phases of the engagement of combat aircraft of the mentioned type of armed forces in the initial stage of Russian intervention, as well as an attempt to assess the reasons for the exceptional effectiveness of the operation on the course of the entire war.

The article analyzes the present order, called neoliberal globalization. It serves American corporations from the arms, mining, financial and ICT sectors to accumulate the capital. They made Wall Street the financial center of the world where the surplus of Europe, Japan and Latin American is transformed into the American bonds. This order is embedded in the institutions created and steered by the American state. The competitive advantage in this phase of the evolution of capitalism is given not only by control over so-called intellectual property but also by conquering a possibly large market. That is the reason for the competition between huge mega-corporations such as American GAFA or Chinese BATX. Capitalism is affected by the planetary crisis. A decline of the economic growth rate will take place as a result of natural limits from 3% to the anticipated 1%, including a decreased productivity of the computer revolution. Mechanisms of the functioning of the world economy will change: reconstruction of energy industry and transport, pressure on recycling of minerals, transformation of the labour market together with the use of robotics and artificial intelligence, the end of consumptionism. The daily issues include the problem of supplementing economic globalization with a political control mechanism and including a new civilizational power, which China is becoming. The latter opt for a multipolar order, where local civilizations will preserve their separate character and where they will be able to create a system of supplying their economies with deficit raw material and outlets but without military bases and without following the USA in recognizing certain areas to be the "zones of vested interests". The world will be different but will it be worse?

The article is based on an analysis of certain aspects of how the public opinion of selected nations in years 2001–2016 perceived the American foreign policy and the images of two Presidents of the United States (George W. Bush, Barack Obama). In order to achieve these research goals some polling indicators were constructed. They are linked with empirical assessments related to the foreign policy of the U.S. and the political activity of two Presidents of the United States of America which are constructed by nations in three segments of the world system. Results of the analysis confirmed the research hypotheses. The position of a given nation in the structure of the world system influenced the dynamics of perception and the directions of empirical assessments (positive/negative) of that nation's public opinion about the USA.

The paper describes the Polish road to NATO which, contrary to the West's expectations and promises, was long and bumpy. The author presents and analyses various obstacles that hindered Polish accession to NATO. The author divides such challenges into objective and subjective barriers, but using other criteria, the author points to specific geopolitical, international, political, social, and military conditions. Furthermore, the author presents the stances of different countries on the enlargement of the North Atlantic Alliance after the Cold War, particularly the attitudes of the USA, Germany, France, the USSR, and Russia as these states were either more or less supportive of Polish efforts to join NATO or not supportive at all. In 1989-1999 the Alliance's position was slowly evolving from being initially unwilling to support Poland's accession to NATO to being sympathetic towards it. In the paper, the author poses a few research questions on the above-mentioned obstacles on the Polish road to NATO and a few theses and hypotheses. The author states that primarily the USSR, later the Russian Federation, was against Poland's accession to NATO. Initially, the West also opposed it. After 1989, its priority was to reunite Germany and stabilize military relations with Moscow through the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE) and the elimination of Soviet military bases in post-communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe.