Suchergebnisse

La mostra Oltre Aquileia. La conquista romana del Carso (II-I secolo a.C.) è realizzata dalla Società Alpina delle Giulie, il Centro di Fisica Teorica Abdus Salam (ICTP), l'Istituto di Archeologia dell'Accademia Slovena di Scienze e Arti, il Comune di San Dorligo della Valle - Občina Dolina nell'ambito del Progetto espositivo multidisciplinare: Castra, accampamenti militari romani a nordest . Il progetto è stato realizzato col contributo della Regione Autonoma Friuli Venezia Giulia – Direzione centrale cultura e Sport – Servizio attività culturali: Incentivi 2019 Annuali per iniziative progettuali riguardanti Manifestazioni di divulgazione della cultura umanistica . (L.R.16/2014 – delibera 33/2015). ; Razstavo z naslovom Onkraj Akvileje: rimsko osvajanje Krasa (2. in 1. stoletje pr. n. št.) so v sklopu Multidisciplinarnega razstavnega projekta: castra . rimske vojaške utrdbe na severovzhodu pripravili: društvo Società Alpina delle Giulie, Mednarodno središče Abdusa Salama za teoretsko fiziko {ICTP), ZRC SAZU - lnštitut za arheologijo in Občina Dolina. Pokrovitelji projekta so Avtonomna dežela Furlanija - Julijska krajina - Centralna direkcija za kulturo in šport - Služba za kulturne dejavnosti: Letna spodbujevalna piačila 2019, namenjena širjenju humanistične kulture (DZ 16/2014 - sklep 33/2015). ; The exhibition Beyond Aquileia: the Roman conquest of the Karst (2"d- 1st century BC) is organized by the Julian Alpine Society (Società Alpina delle Giulie), the Abdus Salam lnternational Centre for Theoretical Physics (ICTP), the lnstitute of Archaeology of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts, the Municipality of San Dorligo della Valle - Obcina Dolina as part of the Multidisciplinary exhibition project: Castra, Roman military camps in the northeast . The project was carried out in collaboration with the Friuli Venezia Giulia Autonomous Region - Centrai Directorate for Culture and Sport - Cultura! Activities Service: 2019 annual incentives for project initiatives concerning the dissemination of humanist culture. {L.R. 16/2014 - resolution 33/2015.

Książka stanowi tom studiów autorstwa polskich i zagranicznych językoznawców poświęcony zmianom we współczesnych językach słowiańskich, szczególnie widocznym w słownictwie i słowotwórstwie. Uwzględnienie aspektu stylowo-funkcjonalnego w rozwoju leksyki pozwala lepiej zrozumieć dynamikę zmian językowych i skuteczność działań komunikacyjnych. Celowościowy i pragmatyczny charakter zachowań komunikacyjnych ujawnia się szeroko w uwzględnionych przez Autorów kontekstach społecznych, politycznych i kulturowych. Prace zostały pogrupowane w trzy działy tematyczne: - Zjawiska, procesy i tendencje rozwojowe w słownictwie specjalistycznym (terminologii); - Dynamika mechanizmów słowotwórczych i leksykalnych; - Zmiany leksykalne we współczesnej komunikacji językowej i dyskursie. Wyodrębnione działy pomagają uporządkować przedstawioną w tomie problematykę, wskazując na dominantę tematyczną w poszczególnych tekstach. Zakresy tych grup nie są jednak ostre, złożona i wielowarstwowa problematyka tendencji i zmian we współczesnym słownictwie słowiańskim jest omawiana w różnym stopniu w każdym z wydzielonych działów. W większości prac zastosowano podejście konfrontatywne, pozostałe stanowią podstawę do takiego ujęcia. Do badań wykorzystany został bogaty materiał języków słowiańskich: polskiego, czeskiego, słowackiego, białoruskiego, rosyjskiego, ukraińskiego, bułgarskiego, słoweńskiego, a także innych języków, jak np. nowogreckiego. ; This volume of studies by Polish and international linguists is devoted to changes in modern Slavic languages, which are especially noticeable in the spheres of vocabulary and word formation. Taking into consideration the stylistic and functional aspect of lexis development allows for a better understanding of the dynamics of language change and the efficacy of communicational acts. The purposeful and pragmatic character of communicational behaviour manifests itself widely in the social, political and cultural contexts considered by the Authors. The works comprising the volume are divided into three thematic sections: - Phenomena, processes and tendencies in the development of specialist lexis (terminology); - Word formation and lexical mechanisms dynamics; - Lexical change in modern language communication and discourse. The sections help organize the volume by highlighting the dominant theme in particular texts. The scopes of the sections are, nevertheless, not sharply delineated – each section is to an equal extent devoted to the complex and multifaceted subject-matter of the tendencies and changes in modern Slavic vocabulary. Most of the works comprised in the volume adopt a contrastive approach, the remaining ones can serve as bases for contrastive studies. The text analyse the rich material of the Slavic languages – Polish, Czech, Slovak, Belarusian, Russian, Ukrainian, Bulgarian and Slovene – as well as of other languages, like Modern Greek. ; Publikacja finansowana ze środków Instytutu Slawistyki Polskiej Akademii Nauk

To magistrsko delo analizira obrambno sodelovanje držav višegrajske skupine s poudarkom na sodelovanju na področju obrambne industrije in sodobne obrambne trgovine med državami. Čeprav se zdi, da je višegrajska skupina zelo povezana in trdna zveza držav, se v literaturi pojavljajo prav nasprotna mnenja. Četudi so vsem državam skupine skupne težave zaradi zastarele vojaške opreme in potrebe po modernih oborožitvenih sistemih ter kljub obetavnim izjavam politikov, je sodelovanje na tem področju zelo skopo. Obrambne industrije višegrajskih držav so čedalje bolj vpete v proizvodne procese zahodnih vojaških multinacionalnih korporacij, politični odločevalci višegrajske skupine pa še vedno niso pripravljeni izdatno podpreti iskrenega sodelovanja med državami, kot na primer skupnih dobav. Četudi lahko pri analizi obrambnih sektorjev skupine zaznamo celo vrsto strukturnih problemov, pa se obrambna trgovina višegrajskih držav ujema z njihovo zunanjo in varnostno politiko. To ujemanje samo po sebi ne izključuje ostalih težav v obrambnih industrijskih sektorjih, ki ovirajo sodelovanje držav, služi pa kot nadaljnji dokaz, kako so obrambno-industrijski sektorji držav tesno povezani z njihovo zunanjo in varnostno politiko. ; This master thesis analyses the defense cooperation of the Visegrad group countries with specific focus on the collaboration initiatives in the defence industry sector and ongoing arms trade relations among the countries. While the Visegrad group seems a coherent and a solid group of countries, many experts on this field argue quite the contrary. Despite the common issues regarding the obsolete military force, the need for newer or modernized weapon systems and, above all, the political declarations promoting the defence industry cooperation among the group countries, there have been little steps taken apart from the promising rhetoric. The countries' defence industries are progressively more involved in the work process of the Western defence corporations, while the political decision makers are still not really keen on genuine cooperation such as common acquisition of arms in intra-group level. While a whole set of obstacles for the deeper cooperation can be identified, foreign and security directions of the countries resemble the trade relations in the arms market. Although this matching as such does not necessarily prove that the group's foreign and security policies solely and by itself negatively contribute to the closer defence industry cooperation, it serves as another proof how the defence industrial complex is tightly connected to one country's foreign and security policy.

The Slovene-English parallel corpus MaCoCu-sl-en 1.0 was built by crawling the ".si" internet top-level domain in 2021, extending the crawl dynamically to other domains as well. All the crawling process was carried out by the MaCoCu crawler (https://github.com/macocu/MaCoCu-crawler). Websites containing documents in both target languages were identified and processed using the tool Bitextor (https://github.com/bitextor/bitextor). Considerable efforts were devoted into cleaning the extracted text to provide a high-quality parallel corpus. This was achieved by removing boilerplate and near-duplicated paragraphs and documents that are not in one of the targeted languages. Document and segment alignment as implemented in Bitextor were carried out, and BicleanerAI (https://github.com/bitextor/bicleaner-ai) and Bifixer (https://github.com/bitextor/bifixer) were used for fixing, cleaning, and deduplicating the final version of the corpus. While the TXT format consists solely of pairs of source and target segments (one or several sentences), each segment pair in the TMX format is accompanied by the following metadata: - source and target document URL; - quality score as provided by the tool BicleanerAI; - translation direction identification: the source segment in each segment pair was identified by using a probabilistic model; - personal information identification ("biroamer-entities"): segments containing personal information are flagged, so final users of the corpus can decide whether to use these segments; - language variants: the language variant of English (British or American) was identified for every segment pair on document and domain level. Notice and take down: Should you consider that our data contains material that is owned by you and should therefore not be reproduced here, please: (1) Clearly identify yourself, with detailed contact data such as an address, telephone number or email address at which you can be contacted. (2) Clearly identify the copyrighted work claimed to be infringed. (3) Clearly identify the material that is claimed to be infringing and information reasonably sufficient in order to allow us to locate the material. (4) Please write to the contact person for this resource whose email is available in the full item record. We will comply with legitimate requests by removing the affected sources from the next release of the corpus. This action has received funding from the European Union's Connecting Europe Facility 2014-2020 - CEF Telecom, under Grant Agreement No. INEA/CEF/ICT/A2020/2278341. This communication reflects only the author's view. The Agency is not responsible for any use that may be made of the information it contains.

Pogajanja so v življenju ljudi prisotna vsakodnevno, saj med seboj neprestano komuniciramo in izmenjujemo informacije. V sam proces pogajanj sta vključena vsaj dva udeleženca, ki lahko imata povsem različne ali pa skupne interese. Namen pogajanj je usklajevanje interesov za doseganje končnega sporazuma, ki naj bi bil koristen za obe strani. V svojem delu sem se osredotočila predvsem na medkulturna poslovna pogajanja, natančneje na poslovna pogajanja z ruskimi partnerji. V prvem delu naloge sem opredelila teoretični koncept pogajanj, nadaljevala z opredelitvijo poslovnih pogajanj na medkulturni ravni in se nato še natančneje osredotočila na specifični ruski pogajalski slog. Pri pogajanjih s tujimi poslovnimi partnerji velja biti pozoren na številne dejavnike, ki vplivajo na sam izid pogajanj. Potrebno je dobro poznavanje kulture države iz katere prihaja partner, prav tako je zelo priporočljivo vsaj temeljno poznavanje njihov običajev in jezika. V raziskovalnem delu naloge sem povzela izkušnje zaposlenih v izbranem podjetju, ki so se v preteklosti že pogajali z ruskimi poslovnimi partnerji. Za pridobivanje potrebnih informacij sem z zaposlenimi izvedla globinski intervju, ki bo obsegal 15 vprašanj. Na podlagi pridobljenih informacij sem oblikovala smernice za vse poslovneže, ki sodelujejo ali imajo v prihodnosti namen sodelovati z ruskimi poslovnimi partnerji. V sklepnem delu naloge sem povzela glavne ugotovitve in ugotovila, da k uspešnim pogajanjem z ruskimi poslovnimi partnerji v največji meri pripomore dobro poznavanje ruske kulture in njihovih običajev ter vzpostavitev pristnih odnosov, ki temeljijo na osebnem poznanstvu. Prav tako sem ugotovila, da se ruski pogajalski slog močno razlikuje od evropskega. ; Negotiations are present in people's lives every day as each other constantly communicate and exchange information. Negotiation is a process, which includes at least two parties, which may have a completely different or common interests. The purpose of negotiating is to coordinate the interests of achieving a final agreement, which should be beneficial for both sides. In the theoretical part I mainly focused on cross-cultural business negotiations, specifically on business negotiations with Russian partners. In the first part I defined the theoretical concept of negotiations continued with the definition of business negotiations on an intercultural level and then more specifically focused on specific Russian negotiating style. When negotiating with foreign business partners we have to pay attention to a number of factors that affect the outcome of the negotiations. It is very necessary to have a good knowledge about the culture of the country where the business partner comes from and it is also strongly recommended to have a basic knowledge of their customs and language. In the research part of the thesis I summarized the experience of employees in selected company, which negotiated with Russian business partners in the past. In order to get the necessary information from the employees I conducted in-depth interview, which consist of 15 questions. On the base of provided information I made guidance for all businessmen who are or are attempted to collaborate with Russian business partners in future. In the final part of the thesis I summarized the main findings and came to the conclusion that if yu want to be successful in negotiations with Russian business partners, you must have a good knowledge about Russian culture and their traditions. I also found that the Russian negotiating style very different from the European.

$N$-tlakovanje trikotnika $ABC$ s trikotnikom $T$ je način rezanja trikotika $ABC$ v $N$ skladnih manjših trikotnikov. Manjšemu trikotniku $T$ pravimo ploščica. Do sedaj je bilo malo znanega o možnih vrednostih števila $N$, na katere se v tem magistrskem delu osredotočimo. Ko je ploščica $T$ podobna trikotniku $ABC$, dokažemo, da so možne tri oblike števila $N$. V primeru, ko je $N$ popolni kvadrat, lahko $N$-tlakujemo poljuben trikotnik. Če pa je $N in {e^2+f^2, 3n^2 ; n, e, f in {mathbb N}}$, je ploščica $T$ pravokotni trikotnik. Ploščica $T$ ima sorazmerne kote, če je vsak od njih racionalni večkratnik števila $pi$. Naj bo trikotnik $ABC$ $N$-tlakovan s ploščico $T$, ki ima sorazmerne kote in ni podobna trikotniku $ABC$. Če je trikotnik $ABC$ enakostranični, ima $T$ kote $({pi over 6}, {pi over 3}, {pi over 2})︁$ ali $({pi over 12}, {pi over 3}, {7pi over 12})︁$ in je $N = 6n^2$ ali pa ima $T$ kote $({pi over 6}, {pi over 6}, {2pi over 3})︁$ in je $N = 3m^2$. Če pa je $ABC$ enakokraki trikotnik z baznim kotom $alpha$ in tlakovan s ploščico $T$, ki je podobna polovici trikotnika $ABC$, potem je $N$ sodo število. Prav tako raziščemo možne $N$, če ploščica $T$ nima vseh sorazmernih kotov. Naj bo trikotnik $ABC$ $N$-tlakovan s ploščico, ki ni podobna trikotniku in katere koti niso vsi sorazmerni. Tedaj pokažemo, da je $N ge 8$. Na koncu pa iz vseh zgornjih primerov dokažemo, da ne obstaja 7-tlakovanje trikotnika s skladnimi ploščicami. ; The $N$-tiling of the triangle $ABC$ with the triangle $T$ is a process of cutting the triangle $ABC$ into $N$ congruent smaller triangles. The smaller triangle $T$ is called the tile. So far, little is known about the possible values of the number $N$, which is the main subject of the master's degree. When the tile $T$ is similar to the triangle $ABC$, we can prove that three forms of the number $N$ are possible. When $N$ is a perfect square, any triangle can be $N$-tiled. However, the tile $T$ is a right triangle if $N in {e^2+f^2, 3n^2 ; n, e, f in {mathbb N}}$. The tile $T$ has commensurable angles if each one of them is a rational multiple of number $pi$. Furthermore, let a triangle $ABC$ be $N$-tiled with the tile $T$, which has commensurable angles and is not similar to the triangle $ABC$. If the triangle $ABC$ is equilateral, it has $T$ angles $({pi over 6}, {pi over 3}, {pi over 2})︁$ or $({pi over 12}, {pi over 3}, {7pi over 12})︁$ and $N = 6n^2$ or it has $T$ angles $({pi over 6}, {pi over 6}, {2pi over 3})︁$ and $N = 3m^2$. However, if $ABC$ is an isosceles triangle with base angle $alpha$ and tiled with the tile $T$, which is similar to one half of the triangle $ABC$, then $N$ is an even number. Moreover, the possible values of $N$ are analyzed, if not all angles of the tile $T$ are commensurable. We can prove that $N ge 8$, when the triangle $ABC$ is $N$-tiled with the tile that is not similar to the triangle and has angles that are not all commensurable. Finally, we prove, based on above examples, that the 7-tiling of the triangle with the congruent tiles does not exist.

Cilj magistrske naloge je prikaz manifestacije družbene moči skozi pravo, specifično v demokratičnih procesih ; demokracija je temelj razvitih družb ter točka, iz katere naj bi dandanes izviralo vso pravo, zato sem se osredotočila nanjo kot na izvor razlikovanja posameznikov na podlagi sposobnosti (abstraktne) artikulacije interesa v volilnih procesih. Obstajajo namreč določene skupine bitij, ki niso sposobne artikulirati svojega interesa abstraktno, na način, ki je značilen za današnje institucionalizirane volilne procese, zato so iz njih izključene. V tej nalogi sem se osredotočila na primere otrok, mentalno manj sposobnih posameznikov in nekaterih drugih subjektov, katerih interes se ne upošteva na enaki ravni kot interes drugih. Demokracija kot vladavina ljudstva se po mojem mnenju dandanes sprevrača v vladavino tistih, ki imajo golo fizično ter mentalno sposobnost oditi na volišče, brati, pisati, in abstrahirano, torej ne konkretno, izraziti svoj interes ; ne gre torej za vladavino, utemeljeno na ideji temeljne enakosti oziroma neizpodbojno jasnih ter enakovrednih interesov, temveč za vladavino tistih, ki so sposobni artikulirano ter dejavno delovati v družbi, ter zahtevati uveljavitev svojih interesov. Gre torej za neke vrste procesno, ne materialno enakost, zaradi katere tisti, ki niso sposobni artikulacije interesov v družbi, postanejo objekti prava. Ogledala sem si različne poglede na demokracijo, predpise, ki urejajo položaje omenjenih skupin, ter vprašanje (objektivnega ter subjektivnega) interesa, ki je ključno za mojo tezo, saj idejo obstoja diskriminacije utemeljujem na podlagi konkretnega interesa napram abstraktnemu. Poudarjam pa, da gre za pravno-sociološko, ne za primarno filozofsko delo, ki skuša torej zgolj naslikati dejanskost družbe in prava, ne pa ju tudi predpisovati. ; The goal of this paper is to showcase the manifestation of power within a society, specifically in democratic processes ; democracy is the foundation of developed societies and the supposed source of all of today's law, which is why I focused on it as the source of discrimination of individuals based on their ability to abstractly articulate their interest in voting processes. There are certain groups of people who are incapable of abstractly articulating their interest, in a way which is typical of today's institutionalised voting processes, which is why they are excluded from them ; I have focused on children and mentally handicapped individuals, who's interest isn't taken into account as much as other people's is. Democracy as the rule of the people is in my opinion now turning into the rule of those who have the mere physical and mental capacity to go to a voting booth, write and read, and abstractly (as opposed to concretely), formulate their interest ; it is therefore not a rule based on an idea of fundamental equality or clear and equal interests, but a rule of those who are capable of functioning in a society in an articulate and active way, and demand that their interests are enforced. It is therefore a procedural, not a material equality, because those who aren't capable of (abstractly) articulating their interests in this society become an object of the law. I have examined different views of democracy, regulation which deals with the status of the before mentioned groups, and the question of interest, which is crucial for my thesis, because I base my idea of the existence of discrimination on concrete interest versus the abstract one. I would like to point out that this is a legally-sociological, not a philosophical work, which therefore primarily tries only to paint the reality of society and law, not to prescribe them.

Magistrsko delo se ukvarja s pojmom geopolitika in obveščevalno dejavnostjo na tem področju. Geopolitika je pojem, ki ga danes zelo pogosto slišimo, predvsem v povezavi z velikimi silami. V zgodovini je verjetno najbolj znan geostrateški cilj nacistične Nemčije, imenovan »Drang nach Osten« (pohod na vzhod), s katerim bi si arijska rasa zagotovila življenjski prostor na območju vzhodne Evrope. Pri geopolitiki gre torej za uresničevanje interesov, ki jih imajo velike sile v določenem trenutku v drugih delih kontinenta oziroma sveta (predvsem zaradi surovin ali prometnih povezav), da bi si tako zagotovile boljše izhodišče od drugih velesil. Velikokrat se ti interesi skrivajo pod drugimi imeni. Tako je danes moderno govoriti o širjenju demokracije, humanitarnih operacijah itd., čeprav so v ozadju drugi interesi, in sicer interesi, s katerimi velesile uresničujejo svojo zunanjo politiko. Geopolitični interesi se uresničujejo predvsem z ekonomskimi pritiski, ki predvsem v primeru, da so le-ti neuspešni, pogostokrat preidejo v vojaško posredovanje. Najpomembnejšo vlogo pri uresničevanju interesov pa imajo obveščevalne službe. Te poskušajo s svojimi taktikami in metodami dela prodreti v posamezno državo in poskrbeti za vzpostavitev »gnezd«, ki delujejo v skladu z začrtano politiko matične države proti državi gostiteljici in tako pridobivajo kvalitetne informacije, ki so potrebne vodstvu države, da se le-to odloči za ustrezno strategijo delovanja. V tem magistrskem delu bomo torej poskušali predstaviti trenutno geopolitično situacijo v svetu, pomembnejše geostrateške lokacije, ugotoviti in predstaviti, kakšna je vloga obveščevalnih služb pri vsem tem, ter na primerih predstaviti delovanje obveščevalnih služb na področju geopolitike. ; The master's thesis deals with the concept of intelligence service in the field of geopolitics. Geopolitics is a term which is frequently used in connection with big countries. Historically, the most known case of geostrategic goal is Nazi Germany which was called »Drang nach Osten« (German for »yearning for the East«) and the idea was to acquire territory for Aryan race at the expense of eastern European nations (Lebensraum). Geopolitics basically means realizing of interests by big countries in a certain moment in other parts of the continent or world (mostly because of raw materials or traffic connections) in order to ensure better starting-points for themselves than for other big countries. Often these interests hide under another name. Nowadays people like to talk about spreading democracy, humanitarian operations, etc., although there are other interests in the background, interests that serve to exercise foreign policies of big countries. Geopolitical interests are especially realized through economic pressure which (if they are unsuccessful) often increase in military operations. When exercising these interests, the intelligence services have the most important role. They try to enter a country with their tactics and methods, they provide »nests« that work in accordance with the policy of the home country against the host country and thus they acquire quality information that is necessary to political elites of a country in order for them to decide for an appropriate operating strategy. In the master's thesis we will try to present current global geopolitical situation, more important geostrategic locations, determine and present the role of intelligence services in all that, and present with examples how the intelligence services work in the field of geopolitics.

V članku, ki temelji predvsem na arhivskem gradivu in publicistiki, je predstavljeno politično delovanje Ivana Švegla, nekdanjega avstro-ogrskega konzula v Združenih državah Amerike in Kanadi, ki je po prevratu deloval na pariški mirovni konferenci. V Začasnem narodnem predstavništvu v Beogradu je predstavljal Trst, na volitvah leta 1927 pa je kandidiral na listi Hrvaške kmečke stranke Stjepana Radića. V tem prispevku so predstavljene širše okoliščine Šveglove povezanosti z Radićevo stranko. ; This article presents the political activities of the Slovene diplomat and legal expert Ivan Krizostom Švegel (a.k.a. Hans Schwegel, 1875–1962), who primarily served as an Austro-Hungarian consul in the United States and Canada before the First World War. Although his involvement in the delegation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 has not passed unnoticed in Slovene historiography, less is known about his political career. Švegel already expressed his sympathies for the Croatian national demands at the Paris Peace Conference, especially by interceding with American diplomats for the incorporation of Rijeka by Yugoslavia and helping his Croatian counterparts settle the question concerning the affiliation of the Repaš (Hung. Répás) area along the Drava River. In the Temporary National Representation in Belgrade, Švegel represented Trieste and worked within the framework of the Yugoslav Club, headed by the president of the Pan-Slovene People's Party, Anton Korošec. However, Švegel soon parted ways with Korošec and withdrew from active politics for a few years. In the election of 1927, he ran on the ticket of the Croatian Peasant Party in the Gorski Kotar region at the personal proposal of Stjepan Radić and made his way into the Croatian parliamentary representation in the Belgrade assembly. Radić's decision to nominate Švegel as a Slovene candidate in one of the traditionally winnable Croatian constituencies for his party undoubtedly added to the chagrin of Korošec, who had long been at odds with Radić. Much to the surprise of Radić's most intimate circle, at the end of 1927 Švegel joined the rebellious faction of Ljudevit Kežman, a priest and long-standing secretary of the Croatian Peasant Party. Yet rather than hold him to blame, Radić continued to cooperate with Švegel until the fateful shooting incident in the Belgrade assembly on June 20th, 1928. During the assassination against Radić and his colleagues, Švegel, according to his own testimony, was composed enough to help lift Svetozar Pribićević from his bench to safety. In the early period of the royal dictatorship, Švegel maintained a low profile until the spring of 1930, when he joined the government as a minister without portfolio, together with three other dissidents from the former Croatian Peasant Party. After he was soon forced to leave his position in the royal government, he briefly returned to diplomacy in 1931 by being appointed envoy of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia to Buenos Aires. However, no later than 1932, he was forced to leave his office due to disagreements with other officials at the legation and the heads of the foreign ministry and to retire. As his correspondence with Marija Radić reveals, Švegel also remained a faithful adherent to Radić's views after the Second World War.

Ekonomski interesi treh ključnih velikih sil, Združenih držav Amerike, Rusije in Kitajske, ki se uveljavljajo oziroma uresničujejo skozi njihove konkretne politike in dejanja, imajo pomemben, če že ne velik vpliv na varnost in politične razmere drugih držav. Ker so ekonomski interesi ključni za katerokoli državo, so medsebojna dinamika, prepletanje in vplivanje teh interesov izrednega pomena za razumevanje trenutnih razmer v mednarodnih odnosih. Analiza primarnih in sekundarnih virov, predvsem pa poglobljeni intervjuji s strokovnjaki nakazujejo, da se politične in varnostne posledice ekonomskih interesov velikih sil največkrat manifestirajo na regionalni ravni. Izjema pri tem so ZDA, ki za doseganje svojih ekonomskih interesov politično in varnostno spreminjajo razmere na globalni ravni. Pri tem so najbolj osredotočene na širitev neoliberalnih ekonomskih praks in zagotovitev energetske varnosti, ki velikokrat poteka s pomočjo znatne uporabe vojaške moči. Rusija, po drugi strani, je trenutno še osredotočena na svojo vlogo energetskega velikana, pri čimer najbolj konkretno vpliva na države iz bližnje soseščine, tudi preko političnih pritiskov in industrijskih sabotaž. Analiza trendov sicer kaže, da bo cilj ekonomske diverzifikacije postajal še pomembnejši v prihodnosti. V osnovi ta zaključek pomeni, da bo Rusija skušala zmanjšati svojo odvisnost od izvoza energentov in na tak način zagotoviti večjo ekonomsko, kot tudi politično in varnostno stabilnost države. Ključna karakteristika ekonomske politike Kitajske je usmeritev v zagotavljanje energetskih virov za rastoče gospodarstvo. V ta namen se poslužuje multisektorske politike, ki je najbolj jasno vidna v Afriki. Ta poseben, quid pro quo pristop se kaže v velikih infrastrukturnih investicijah na strani Kitajske, v zameno za zagotovitve izvoza energentov iz določenih afriških držav. Analiza vse treh držav jasno kaže, da ekonomski interesi vidno vplivajo na odnose med državami v mednarodni skupnosti in usodno določajo dinamiko in ravnovesje sil. ; Economic interests of great powers, specifically United States of America, Russia and China, and the process of attaining these interests through the set of concrete policies and actions has considerable, if not predominantly important effects on political and security situation of other countries. Since economic interests are of pivotal importance for any state, the recognition and understanding of intertwined dynamics and cross-section of these interests is essential for establishing an accurate perception of the current situation in contemporary international relations. Analysis of primary and secondary resources, and especially the in- depth interviews with experts revealed that the majority of political and security implications of the process of attaining economic interests have been manifesting on the regional level. An exception to this rule is the United States, which is affecting political and security characteristics around the globe. In doing so, it is mostly concentrated on continuous expansion of neoliberalism, as well as ensuring energy security, often through utilization of military power. Meanwhile, Russia is currently still focused on its role as an energy giant, and has the ability to strongly influence the countries in its near vicinity through considerate political pressures and industrial sabotage. Many trends within the country and its internal policies seem to suggest that this is likely to change in the near future, and the goal of economic diverzification will become even more important. Essentially, this means that Russia will attempt to reduce its dependence on energy exports, and thus ensure far greater economic, but also political and security stability of the country. Finally, we analyzed China. The key characteristic of its economic policy is focus on ensuring energy resources for its growing economy. In order to succeed, China has been utilizing a multisectoral approach, most clearly visible in Africa. These quid pro quo deals were realized through large infrastrucral investment on the Chinese side, and accompanying insurance of energy exports on the side of the African countries. The analysis of all three states draws the conclusion that economic interests are thus visibly affecting the nature of the intra- state relationships in the international community, and faithfully account for the ultimate dynamics and balance of world powers.

V prvem delu magistrskega dela sem se osredotočil na zgodovino in organiziranost gasilcev v Sloveniji in Združenih državah Amerike, predstavil sem požarno preventivo in vzroke za požare. V svetu požari postajajo vedno večji problem, saj zaradi klimatskih sprememb, staranja prebivalstva, malomarnosti ljudi, nepazljivosti, novih tehnologij, različnih novih materialov in zmanjševanja vlaganj v požarno varnost lahko povzročijo vse večjo premoženjsko, materialno in človeško škodo. S tem lahko opozorimo na dejstvo, da je gasilstvo zelo pomembna družbena panoga, ki pa je v Sloveniji slabše cenjena kot v Združenih državah Amerike. K znanju in usposobljenosti gasilcev izjemno pripomorejo zgodovina, organiziranost in vlaganje denarja. Seveda ne smemo pozabiti tudi na izboljševanje zakonodaje področja požarne varnosti, ki zajema tako načrtovanje požarne varnosti in tudi samo gašenje požarov. Organiziranost gasilcev v Sloveniji in Združenih državah Amerike je različno, saj se zdi da so ameriški gasilci bolje tehnično in organizacijsko izurjeni. V zgodovini obeh držav se je zgodilo mnogo uničujočih požarov, ki so terjali veliko smrtnih žrtev in premoženja. V drugem delu magistrskega dela sem opravil statistično analizo števila požarov in škode, ki je pri tem nastala v Sloveniji in v Združenih državah Amerike v obdobju od leta 1992 do leta 2018. V Sloveniji se vsako leto zgodi od 4000 do 6000 požarov, v Združenih državah Amerike pa se v zadnjih letih zgodi od 1,3 milijona do 1,6 milijona požarov letno. Najpogostejši požari so požari v objektih, v prometu, v naravi in v komunalnih ali drugih zabojnikih. V Sloveniji se skozi leta število požarov drastično ni spremenilo, vendar pa število ves čas niha. V Združenih državah Amerike se je število požarov iz leta 1992 zmanjšalo za okoli 25 %. Število poškodovanih v požarih se v Sloveniji v zadnjih letih malce zvišuje, število smrtnih žrtev požara pa ostaja dokaj konstantno. V Združenih državah Amerike obe ti številki skozi leta padata. Izjema je le leto 2001, ko se je zgodil napad na World Trade Center. Premoženjska škoda, ki je nastala v požarih, je v Sloveniji v zadnjih letih okoli 7 milijonov evrov, v Združenih državah Amerike pa se ta številka že več kot 15 let vrti okoli 15 milijard dolarjev. Spet pa je izjema leto 2001 zaradi napada v New Yorku, ki je povzročil več kot 30 milijard denarne škode. ; In the first part of the master's degree thesis, I focused on the history and organization of firefighters in Slovenia and United States of America, I presented fire prevention and the causes of fires. In the world, fires are becoming an increasing problem, as they can cause increasing property, material and human damage due to climate change, population aging, human negligence, carelessness, new technologies, various new materials and reduced investment in fire safety. Therefore, firefighting is a very important social sector, which is less valued in Slovenia than in the United States. History, organization and investment of money contribute enormously to the knowledge and skills of firefighters. Of course, we must not forget to improve the legislation in the field of fire safety, which includes both fire safety planning and firefighting itself. The organization of firefighters in Slovenia and the United States is different, it seems that American firefighters are better technically and organizationally trained. In addition, this profession is also more valued there. There have been many devastating fires in the history of both countries, claiming many lives and property. In the second part of my master's degree thesis, I performed a statistical analysis of the number of fires and damage that occurred in Slovenia and the United States in the period from 1992 to 2018. In Slovenia, between 4,000 and 6,000 fires occur every year. In the United States, however, 1.3 million to 1.6 million fires have occurred in recent years. The most common fires are fires in buildings, in traffic, in nature, and in communal or other containers. In Slovenia, the number of fires has not changed drastically over the years, the number fluctuates all the time. In the United States, however, the number of fires in 1992 fell by about 25 percents. The number of people injured in fires in Slovenia has been rising slightly in recent years, while the number of fatalities in fires has remained fairly constant. In the United States, however, both of these numbers have been falling over the years. The only exception is 2001, when the attack on the World Trade Center took place. The property damage caused by fires in Slovenia in recent years is around 7 million euros, and in the United States this figure has been hovering around 15 billion dollars for more than 15 years. Again, the exception is 2001 due to the attack in New York, which caused more than 30 billion in monetary damage.

Dogajanje v času komunistične revolucije bistveno vpliva tako na stanje kot tudi na razumevanje sodobne slovenske družbene situacije. V disertaciji avtorica v luči idejnega nasprotja med krščanstvom in komunizmom ter na podlagi konflikta, ki se je obenem razvil v obdobju revolucije, razišče vzroke in podlage za omenjeni vpliv. Avtorica v delu pokaže na temeljno povezanost sodobnega položaja in komunistične revolucije na Slovenskem. Kot pojmovni okvir ter orodje za razumevanje izbere Girardovo mimetično teorijo in teorijo o grešnem kozlu. Girard namreč kulturo opisuje kot mimetični cikel, kjer posameznik posnema drugega (tako se začne že v samem otroštvu, ko otrok posnema starše in s tem postane družbeno bitje). Posnemanje je gonilo vsake družbe. Poleg tega pa posnemanje lahko omogoči tudi uničenje družbe, kulture. Girard vpelje grešnega kozla kot razrešitev konflikta, kjer imata dva subjekta enako željo in se skupaj obrneta proti grešnemu kozlu, ki zanju predstavlja vzrok mimetične krize, in je njegovo žrtvovanje pogoj za ponovno vzpostavitev družbenega reda in socialne varnosti. Ta teo-retični okvir omogoča tudi raziskovanje preteklih družbenih konfliktov, posebej pa tudi njihovih posledic v sodobnosti, vključno z vidiki spravnih procesov ter tranzicijske pra-vičnosti. Zato ga avtorica plodno uporabi pri omenjenem raziskovanju. Kot dve nasprotujoči idejni podlagi avtorica predstavi krščanstvo in komunizem, ki sta že v svojem idejnem temelju diametralno nasprotni, posebej pa ju prikaže preko Girar-dove teorije. Krščanstvo s krističnim pojmovanjem osebne svobode izstopi iz cikličnosti mehanizma grešnega kozla, komunizem pa prav nasprotno temelji na mimetičnosti. Žrt-vena znamenja v Girardovem pojmovanju, ki opravičijo umor grešnega kozla, temeljijo na dejstvih, ki postanejo sprejemljiva za umor, ne glede na (ne)resničnost le-teh. Implementacija Girardove teorije na slovensko situacijo zajema dva ključna vidika. Prvi vidik je žrtvovanje nasprotnikov komunistične revolucije z žrtvenimi znamenji kolabo-racije, nemirov … Omenjeno žrtvovanje omogoči vzpostavitev totalitarnega komunisti-čnega režima v kraljevini Jugoslaviji in s tem tudi na Slovenskem. Komunizem kot tota-litarni režim ne dopušča alternative, človeka uniformira in osami. Obenem vzpostavi totalni nadzor in teror. Krščanstvo po drugi strani človeka opolnomoči z bogopodobnos-tjo in s tem edinstvenostjo, nedotakljivostjo, nezamenljivostjo ter svobodo. Drugi vidik pa zadeva dejstvo, da konflikt iz časa komunistične revolucije še vedno ni razrešen ter je vladavina prava in vzpostavitev demokratične družbe še vedno nedokon-čan projekt. Kljub demokratični državni ureditvi in propadu komunizma kot dolgoroč-nega družbenopolitičnega in ekonomskega sistema avtorica poudari dva izziva sodobne družbe na Slovenskem. Prvi je prisotnost komunistične ideologije v razmišljanju in delovanju posameznikov, drugi izziv pa je nezadostna uveljavitev tranzicijske pravično-sti. Omenjeni vidiki analize temeljijo najprej že v samem idejnem nasprotju in zasnovi tako komunizma kakor tudi krščanstva. Krščanstvo in komunizem sta v svojem temelju različna. Poseben poudarek je na vidikih dojemanja človeka kot svobodnega in razumskega bitja v obeh idejnih okvirih. Komunizem s komunistično revolucijo nastopi proti človeku, proti človekovemu dostojanstvu in proti človekovi svobodi in s tem krščanstvo postavi v obrambno držo. S tem pa tudi Cerkev, ki je kot ene vidnejših institucij komunistična revolucija ni prevzela in obvladovala, postane braniteljica človekovega življenja in človekovih pravic, obenem pa je postavljena nasproti komunistični revoluciji. Krščanstvo in tudi Cerkev se posluži različnih načinov obrambe in upora, ki niso vselej povsem skladni s krščanskim naukom. Metode obrambe so bile: krščanska drža v odnosu do vojne, do sočloveka, do okupatorja in do revolucionarnih sil, fizična obramba, sodelovanje tako z okupacijskimi kakor tudi revolucionarnimi silami, kulturna, medijska in politična udejstvovanja. Kljub temu je revolucionarno nasilje eskaliralo predvsem v zadnjih letih druge svetovne vojne in prvih letih po revoluciji. Situacije, v katere so bili postavljeni posamezniki na Slovenskem, niso bile enoznačne ali enostavne. Ni šlo zgolj za izbiro med revolucionarno ali protirevolucionarno stranjo, temveč so bile okoliščine zaradi okupacijskih sil bolj zapletene. Ljudem je grozilo neodobravanje, preganjanje ali nasilje z vseh strani. Komunistična partija je monopolizirala odpor proti okupacijskim silam. Že zametki kakršnekoli druge neodvisne organizacije upora so bili lahko kaznovani. Nemalo kristjanov je z namenom domoljubnosti ali nezmožnosti izognitve mobilizaciji postalo del osvobodilnega gibanja, ne glede na ideološko podlago gibanja ali organizacije, ki je gibanje organizirala. Cerkev kljub temu ni bila preveč zaželen partner v uporu, o čemer priča tudi Kardeljevo navodilo: "Duhovne v četah vse postreljajte" (Griesser-Pečar 1996, 109). Ne zgolj navodilo, tudi načrtno degradiranje duhovnikov z zaporom, priporom, deportacijami in usmrtitvami so priča odnosu komunistične partije do cerkvenih dostojanstvenikov. Revolucionarno nasilje je pustilo neslutene posledice ne zgolj v tedanjem obdobju, temveč tudi za sedanji čas, pri čemer pri avtoričinem raziskovanju teh posledic pomembno vlogo igrajo tudi osebne zgodbe, odgovornost na osebni ter družbeni ravni in medgeneracijski prenos travm, ki onemogočajo pravo tranzicijo iz totalitarnega v demokratični sistem. Tranzicija in tranzicijska pravičnost je torej mehanizem, ki si prizadeva v polnosti izpeljati tranzicijo na osebni in družbeni ravni ter vzpostaviti zaupanje v državne institucije, delovanje državnih struktur. Situacija na Slovenskem sicer nakazuje na nekatere pozitivne učinke tranzicijske pravičnosti, kot sta denacionalizacija in odprtje arhivov. Še vedno pa umanjka uveljavitev pravičnosti na osebni ravni, pri čemer so pomemben vidik spravni procesi ter prekinitev medgeneracijskega prenosa travm. Podobno kot na osebni ravni umanjka pravičnost v javni sferi, na primer pluralizacija medijskega prostora, urejene gospodarske pobude, dialog med različnimi družbenimi skupinami, vključno z vstopanjem verskih skupnosti v javno razpravo, vzpostavljanjem zaupanja v državne institucije ipd. Pogled na komunistično revolucijo na Slovenskem skozi prizmo Girardovega grešnega kozla ponudi edinstven okvir, ki poveže razumevanje komunistične revolucije in komu-nističnega sistema s sodobnim položajem slovenske družbe. Po eni strani Girardov mehanizem grešnega kozla lahko razumemo kot dopolnjenega v komunistični revoluciji, po drugi strani pa mehanizem stremi k dopolnitvi v smislu celovite uveljavitve tran-zicijske pravičnosti. ; The events during the communist revolution significantly influence the state and understanding of the contemporary Slovenian social situation. In the dissertation, in the light of the ideological contradiction between Christianity and Communism, and on the basis of the conflict that developed during the revolution, the author explores the causes and grounds for this influence. In this work the author shows the fundamental connection between the contemporary situation and the communist revolution in Slovenia. She chooses Girard's mimetic theory and scapegoat as a conceptual framework and tool for understanding. Girard describes culture as a mimetic cycle, where the individual imitates the other (this starts from the very childhood, when the child imitates his parents and thus becomes a social being). Imitation is the driving force of every company. In addition, imitation can also become a destruction of society, culture. Girard therefore implements the scapegoat as a conflict resolution where the two entities share the same desire and together turn against the scapegoat, which causes them a mimetic crisis and its sacrifice is a condition for restoring social order and social security. This general theoretical framework also makes it possible – to explore past social conflicts, and in particular their consequences in the present, including aspects of reconciliation processes and transitional justice. Therefore, the author fruitfully uses it in the mentioned research. The author embraces Christianity and communism as two opposing ideological bases, which are already diametrically opposed in their conceptual bases, and are especially illuminated by Girard's theory. Christianity, with its cristian notion of personal freedom, stands out from the cyclical nature of the scapegoat, but communism is, on the contrary, based on mimeticism. Victims of character in Girard's conception that justify the murder of a scapegoat are based on facts that become acceptable for murder, regardless of the (un) reality of them. The implementation of Girard's theory on the Slovenian situation thus encompasses two key aspects. The first aspect is the sacrifice of the opponents of the communist revolution with the sacrificial signs of collaboration, riots, … This sacrifice makes it possible to establish a totalitarian communist regime in Yugoslavia, and thus in Slovenia. Communism, as a totalitarian regime, does not allow an alternative, it uniforms and isolates man. At the same time, it establishes total control and terror. Christianity, on the other hand, empowers man with uniqueness, inviolability, irreplaceability and freedom. Another aspect concerns the fact that the conflict from the communist revolution has still not been resolved, and that the rule of law and the establishment of a democratic society are still, in the eyes of many Slovenians, an unfinished project. Despite the democratic state system and the collapse of communism as a long-term socio-political and economic system, the author emphasizes two challenges of contemporary society in Slovenia. The first is the presence of communist ideology in the thinking and action of individuals, and the second challenge is the insufficient implementation of transitional justice. The aforementioned aspects of the analysis are based first of all on the very conceptual contradiction and conception of both communism and Christianity. Christianity and communism are fundamentally different. Particular emphasis is placed on aspects of the perception of man as a free and rational being in both conceptual frameworks. Communism, by communist revolution, stands against man, against human dignity and against human freedom, thereby placing Christianity in a defensive posture. In doing so, the Church, which as one of the most prominent institutions has not been taken over and controlled by the Communist Revolution, becomes a defender of human life and human rights, while at the same time it stands against the Communist Revolution. Christianity, as well as the Church, uses various methods of defense and rebellion that are not always completely in line with Christian teaching. The methods of defense were the Christian stance in relation to war, to fellow human beings, to the occupier and to the revolutionary forces, physical defense, cooperation with both occupation and revolutionary forces, cultural, media and political activities. Nevertheless, revolutionary violence escalated, especially in the last years of World War II and the first years after the revolution. The situations in which individuals in Slovenia were placed were not straightforward or straightforward. It was not merely a choice between a revolutionary or a counter-revolutionary party, but the circumstances were more complex rather than straightforward because of the occupying forces. People were threatened with disapproval, persecution or violence from all sides. The Communist Party monopolized resistance to the occupation forces. The rudiments of any other, independent organization of resistance could have been punished. Quite a few Christians, for the sake of patriotism or inability to evade mobilization, became part of the liberation movement, regardless of the ideological basis of the movement or the organization that organized the movement. The church was not, however, a much-desired partner in the resistance, as evidenced by Kardelj's instruction: "Shoot the priests in the troops." (Griesser-Pečar 1996, 109) Not only the instruction, but also the deliberate degradation of priests through imprisonment, detention, deportation and execution, are witnesses to the Communist Party's attitude towards Church dignitaries. Revolutionary violence has left unprecedented consequences not only in that time but also in the present, with the author's exploration of these consequences also playing a significant role in personal stories, personal and social responsibility, and the intergenerational transmission of traumas that they preclude a real transition from a totalitarian to a democratic system. Transition and transitional justice is thus a mechanism that seeks to fully complete the transition on a personal and social level, and to establish trust in state institutions, the functioning of state structures. Although the situation in Slovenia points to some of the positive effects of transitional justice, such as denationalization, the opening of archives, it still lacks the enforcement of justice on a personal level ; for example, with regard to aspects of media pluralization, orderly economic initiatives, dialogue between different social groups, including the entry of religious communities into public debate, building confidence in state institutions, etc. The view of the communist revolution in Slovenia through the prism of Girard the scapegoat offers a unique framework that connects the understanding of the communist revolution and the communist system with the contemporary position of Slovene society. On the one hand, Girard's mechanism of the scapegoat can be understood as supplemented in the communist revolution, and on the other, the mechanism seeks to supplement in the sense of the full implementation of transitional justice.