Suchergebnisse

Importance of military power has been limited after the cold-war. Range of military instrument underwent gradual broadening. Significant influence on this situation has been exerted by both new technology and new armament systems but also by the growth of non-state actors.The latest actors are more threat to the societies than to states. This problem has affected a form of utilization of military instrument in foreign policy of states.The article includes analysis of notion "military instrument". Forms of implementation of military instruments in foreign policy of states has been characterized also. Two hypotheses are subject of verification. The first, forms of implementation of military instruments of foreign policies of states are dynamic process and they undergo gradual widening. The second, although indirect forms of implementation of military instruments predominate, however, it appear new possibilities of direct use of military instruments in low intensity conflicts, i.e. below threshold of war. ; Znaczenie siły militarnej po zakończeniu zimnej wojny zostało ograniczone. Jednocześnie zakres instrumentów militarnych ulegał stopniowemu rozszerzeniu. Znaczący wpływ na zaistniałą sytuację wywarł rozwój technologiczny i wprowadzanie nowych systemów uzbrojenia oraz wzrost znaczenia podmiotów niepaństwowych, które stanowią zagrożenie, w większym stopniu dla społeczeństw, niż samych państw. Kwestia ta przełożyła się na formę wykorzystania instrumentu militarnego w polityce zagranicznej państw.Niniejszy artykuł zawiera analizę pojęcia "instrument militarny". Scharakteryzowane zostaną także formy wykorzystania instrumentu militarnego w polityce zagranicznej państwa. W niniejszym artykule poddano weryfikacji dwie hipotezy. Po pierwsze, formy wykorzystania instrumentu militarnego polityki zagranicznej państwa są dynamicznym procesem i ulegają stopniowemu poszerzeniu. Po drugie, mimo iż dominują pośrednie formy wykorzystania instrumentu militarnego, to jednak pojawiają się nowe możliwości, w tym związane z bezpośrednim użyciem sił zbrojnych o niskiej intensywności, tj. poniżej progu wojny.

This paper aims to analyse the military-industrial aspects of Turkish defence policy. A sophisticated and profitable defence industry is a useful tool for a state's foreign and security policy. It not only supplies the armed forces with the necessary weapons and military equipment, but can also bring political influence on the international arena through arms transfers and military-industrial cooperation. These realities are not lost on Turkish decision makers. That is why they have made the nurturing of an indigenous defence-industrial base a distinct state policy. In this paper, the defence industry's functions in the framework of Turkish defence and security policy are defined, the condition and structure of Turkish defence and aerospace sector is analysed and conclusions regarding its future prospects are presented. This provides the basis for a wider analysis of the defence-industrial aspects of Turkish defence and security policy. ; This paper aims to analyse the military-industrial aspects of Turkish defence policy. A sophisticated and profitable defence industry is a useful tool for a state's foreign and security policy. It not only supplies the armed forces with the necessary weapons and military equipment, but can also bring political influence on the international arena through arms transfers and military-industrial cooperation. These realities are not lost on Turkish decision makers. That is why they have made the nurturing of an indigenous defence-industrial base a distinct state policy. In this paper, the defence industry's functions in the framework of Turkish defence and security policy are defined, the condition and structure of Turkish defence and aerospace sector is analysed and conclusions regarding its future prospects are presented. This provides the basis for a wider analysis of the defence-industrial aspects of Turkish defence and security policy.

The author discusses EU military missions in Africa carried out within the framework of the Common Foreign and Security Policy. Making reference to five African missions he analyzes the experience generated by these operations and tries to explain to what extent they might have been conducive to further commitment of the EU in crisis management in Africa. In his opinion, in the future the EU will continue to be present in Africa, yet it is hardly to be expected that its missions will qualitatively differ from present operations. ; The author discusses EU military missions in Africa carried out within the framework of the Common Foreign and Security Policy. Making reference to five African missions he analyzes the experience generated by these operations and tries to explain to what extent they might have been conducive to further commitment of the EU in crisis management in Africa. In his opinion, in the future the EU will continue to be present in Africa, yet it is hardly to be expected that its missions will qualitatively differ from present operations.

Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; The article describes the process of developing the Polish-Germany military cooperation in the 21st century. It presents the bases for the bilateral military relationships between Poland and Germany and shows their development. The paper underlines the role of Germany in the Polish participation in NATO. The Author describes the common initiatives after joining the Pact, especially the participation of Bundeswehr in training and technical modernisation of the Polish armed forces. He claims that after the year 2015, the Polish-German military cooperation will be a function of Germany's pragmatics and Poland's history politics. The main problem of the Polish government will be the German willingness to constantly build NATO military bases in Poland.

Belorussian military cooperation with Russia causes the partial isolation of Lukashenko's land from the West-European environment. The possibility of Belorussian membership in NATO has been curbed, up to the moment of close cooperation with the eastern ally. Only becoming independent from Russia could contribute to the rapid rapprochement between Belarus and West-European organizations and could hammer out a regular cooperation. Russian authorities are exploiting the military activities while achieving goals of foreign policy. In this way the plans during the energetic conflicts with Belarus and deployment of missile defense elements in Poland and Czech were accomplished. The exploitation of the military policy by Russia is perceived as a bargaining card which is used for achieving main national aims. Mr Lukashenko, with the help of bilateral cooperation may stay in power, which is mostly grounded on the recognition from the army. Mutual cooperation in the area of defense is very close, however, the president of Belarus is constantly refusing Russian authorities, who take the initiative to incorporate Belarusian country as one of the provinces, in order to maintain the external sovereignty of this country. ; Belorussian military cooperation with Russia causes the partial isolation of Lukashenko's land from the West-European environment. The possibility of Belorussian membership in NATO has been curbed, up to the moment of close cooperation with the eastern ally. Only becoming independent from Russia could contribute to the rapid rapprochement between Belarus and West-European organizations and could hammer out a regular cooperation. Russian authorities are exploiting the military activities while achieving goals of foreign policy. In this way the plans during the energetic conflicts with Belarus and deployment of missile defense elements in Poland and Czech were accomplished. The exploitation of the military policy by Russia is perceived as a bargaining card which is used for achieving main national aims. Mr Lukashenko, with the help of bilateral cooperation may stay in power, which is mostly grounded on the recognition from the army. Mutual cooperation in the area of defense is very close, however, the president of Belarus is constantly refusing Russian authorities, who take the initiative to incorporate Belarusian country as one of the provinces, in order to maintain the external sovereignty of this country.

The last decades saw Turkey evolving from its Cold War era model of foreign relations, when it was the bastion of the West in the region, which involved alliance with the US and Israel. Following the doctrine of Ahmed Davutoĝlu, a theoretician of the Islamic Justice and Development Party (AKP), which rose to power in 2002, Turkey opened to the neighbouring states, striving to become a regional power by diplomatic rather than military means and through cultural and economic incentives. Both the internal and international actions of AKP governments were initially successful, and Turkey with its version of Islamic democracy was considered a model during the Arab Spring and a sound counterbalance to such countries as Iran. However, Turkey's bid to join the EU was stalled, and its approach to the civil war in Syria as well as other issues has been heavily criticized both in the West and in the region. The internal tensions are growing too, as the government has failed to recognize the rights of large minority groups, particularly the Kurds and the Alevi, which may threaten the integrity of the country.

The last decades saw Turkey evolving from its Cold War era model of foreign relations, when it was the bastion of the West in the region, which involved alliance with the US and Israel. Following the doctrine of Ahmed Davutoĝlu, a theoretician of the Islamic Justice and Development Party (AKP), which rose to power in 2002, Turkey opened to the neighbouring states, striving to become a regional power by diplomatic rather than military means and through cultural and economic incentives. Both the internal and international actions of AKP governments were initially successful, and Turkey with its version of Islamic democracy was considered a model during the Arab Spring and a sound counterbalance to such countries as Iran. However, Turkey's bid to join the EU was stalled, and its approach to the civil war in Syria as well as other issues has been heavily criticized both in the West and in the region. The internal tensions are growing too, as the government has failed to recognize the rights of large minority groups, particularly the Kurds and the Alevi, which may threaten the integrity of the country.

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the conditions behind Polish participation in the European Union's military operations in Africa. The author attempts to describe the evolution of the Polish position on the concept of the Common Security and Defence Policy. The text presents the Polish experiences, gained during operations, and assessments of the outcomes of Polish involvement, against the declared priorities of Polish foreign policy. The author also points out the main causes of changes in the Polish stance against further involvement on the African continent. She draws attention to the transformations within the EU and their reception by the Polish government. ; Celem artykułu jest analiza uwarunkowań udziału Polski w afrykańskich operacjach wojskowych Unii Europejskiej na tle ewolucji polskiego stanowiska wobec koncepcji realizacji Wspólnej Polityki Bezpieczeństwa i Obrony. W tekście przedstawiono polskie doświadczenia z udziału w operacjach, a także ocenę jego konsekwencji w odniesieniu do deklarowanych priorytetów polskiej polityki zagranicznej. Autorka wskazuje także na główne przyczyny zmiany stanowiska polskiego wobec dalszego zaangażowania na kontynencie afrykańskim. Zwraca uwagę na przekształcenia wewnątrz Unii oraz ich odbiór przez stronę polską.

Bliskie stosunki polsko-amerykańskie mają wpływ na określanie celów polskiej polityki zagranicznej, a także na dobór środków i metod tej polityki. Stosunki Polski z USA sprowadzają się głównie do kwestii bezpieczeństwa. W latach 90. widoczny był prymat środków polityczno-dyplomatycznych a Polska stopniowo stosowała strategię bandwagoning w stosunkach z USA. Z biegiem czasu ta strategia prowadziła do utożsamiania naszych interesów narodowych z interesami Stanów Zjednoczonych. To skłoniło Polskę do bezwarunkowego wsparcia interwencji wojskowej USA w Iraku oraz do udziału w wojnie w Afganistanie. Coraz wyraźniej, Polska zaczęła reprezentować oparte na realistycznym paradygmacie rozumienie bezpieczeństwa i preferowanie zasobów i instrumentów wojskowych, własnych, koalicyjnych (natowskich) i amerykańskich. Stosunki polsko-amerykańskie mają zasadniczy wpływ także na pozycję i role międzynarodowe Polski, wśród których wyróżnia się rola satelity USA. ; Close Polish-American relations have an impact on shaping the objectives of Poland's foreign policy, as well as the choice of methods and measures used in this policy. Polish relations with the United States boil down mainly to security issues. The 1990s witnessed the visible primacy of political and diplomatic measures, and Poland gradually applied a bandwagoning strategy in relations with the United States. Over time, this strategy has led to the identification of our national interests with the interests of the United States. This prompted Poland to unconditionally support the US military intervention in Iraq,and to participate in the war in Afghanistan. More and more clearly, Poland began to present – based on a realistic paradigm – an understanding of security and a preference for military resources and instruments, whether its own, the coalition's (NATO) or the US's. Polish-American relations have a major impact also on the position and international roles of Poland, with the role as a US satellite standing out.

Bliskie stosunki polsko-amerykańskie mają wpływ na określanie celów polskiej polityki zagranicznej, a także na dobór środków i metod tej polityki. Stosunki Polski z USA sprowadzają się głównie do kwestii bezpieczeństwa. W latach 90. widoczny był prymat środków polityczno-dyplomatycznych, a Polska stopniowo stosowała strategię bandwagoning w stosunkach z USA. Z biegiem czasu ta strategia prowadziła do utożsamiania naszych interesów narodowych z interesami Stanów Zjednoczonych. To skłoniło Polskę do bezwarunkowego wsparcia interwencji wojskowej USA w Iraku oraz do udziału w wojnie w Afganistanie. Coraz wyraźniej Polska zaczęła reprezentować oparte na realistycznym paradygmacie rozumienie bezpieczeństwa i preferowanie zasobów i instrumentów wojskowych, własnych, koalicyjnych (natowskich) i amerykańskich. Stosunki polsko-amerykańskie mają zasadniczy wpływ także na pozycję i role międzynarodowe Polski, wśród których wyróżnia się rola satelity USA. ; Close Polish-American relations have an impact on shaping the objectives of Poland's foreign policy, as well as the choice of methods and measures used in this policy. Polish relations with the United States boil down mainly to security issues. The 1990s witnessed the visible primacy of political and diplomatic measures, and Poland gradually applied a bandwagoning strategy in relations with the United States. Over time, this strategy has led to the identification of our national interests with the interests of the United States. This prompted Poland to unconditionally support the US military intervention in Iraq, and to participate in the war in Afghanistan. More and more clearly, Poland began to present – based on a realistic paradigm – an understanding of security and a preference for military resources and instruments, whether its own, the coalition's (NATO) or the US's. Polish-American relations have a major impact also on the position and international roles of Poland, with the role as a US satellite standing out.

As part of a political agreement regulating Poland's relations with the Ukrainian People's Republic signed in Warsaw on April 21, 1920, the Polish side officially recognized the UPR's government with Simon Petlura at its head and committed itself to help the UPR form Ukrainian troops on the Polish territory. The paper discusses the details of the concluded agreement and the manner and conditions of its subsequent implementation. ; As part of a political agreement regulating Poland's relations with the Ukrainian People's Republic signed in Warsaw on April 21, 1920, the Polish side officially recognized the UPR's government with Simon Petlura at its head and committed itself to help the UPR form Ukrainian troops on the Polish territory. The paper discusses the details of the concluded agreement and the manner and conditions of its subsequent implementation.

As part of a political agreement regulating Poland's relations with the Ukrainian People's Republic signed in Warsaw on April 21, 1920, the Polish side officially recognized the UPR's government with Simon Petlura at its head and committed itself to help the UPR form Ukrainian troops on the Polish territory. The paper discusses the details of the concluded agreement and the manner and conditions of its subsequent implementation. ; As part of a political agreement regulating Poland's relations with the Ukrainian People's Republic signed in Warsaw on April 21, 1920, the Polish side officially recognized the UPR's government with Simon Petlura at its head and committed itself to help the UPR form Ukrainian troops on the Polish territory. The paper discusses the details of the concluded agreement and the manner and conditions of its subsequent implementation.

As part of a political agreement regulating Poland's relations with the Ukrainian People's Republic signed in Warsaw on April 21, 1920, the Polish side officially recognized the UPR's government with Simon Petlura at its head and committed itself to help the UPR form Ukrainian troops on the Polish territory. The paper discusses the details of the concluded agreement and the manner and conditions of its subsequent implementation. ; As part of a political agreement regulating Poland's relations with the Ukrainian People's Republic signed in Warsaw on April 21, 1920, the Polish side officially recognized the UPR's government with Simon Petlura at its head and committed itself to help the UPR form Ukrainian troops on the Polish territory. The paper discusses the details of the concluded agreement and the manner and conditions of its subsequent implementation.

This paper is dedicated to the involvement of Poland in the European Union's military operations in Africa in the 2010s. The development of military capabilities is not one of the European Union's priorities. Nevertheless, the EU is an active participant of the international communities' efforts to aid African states, including the use of armed forces. The vast majority of such EU missions have been undertaken in Africa. Despite the fact that this region is not a priority of Poland's foreign and security policies, Poland has actively participated in such actions, primarily due to the peculiarities of contemporary security threats and Poland's approach to the process of European integration. However, after initial experiences, Poland limited its involvement, due to the limited impact on the achievement of national objectives related to the EU Common Security and Defence Policy. This has been reflected in both official documents and political practice associated with deploying troops on foreign soil. The author sets forth a thesis that these limitations are too substantial, and that there are reasons for greater Polish involvement in the European Union's military missions. ; This paper is dedicated to the involvement of Poland in the European Union's military operations in Africa in the 2010s. The development of military capabilities is not one of the European Union's priorities. Nevertheless, the EU is an active participant of the international communities' efforts to aid African states, including the use of armed forces. The vast majority of such EU missions have been undertaken in Africa. Despite the fact that this region is not a priority of Poland's foreign and security policies, Poland has actively participated in such actions, primarily due to the peculiarities of contemporary security threats and Poland's approach to the process of European integration. However, after initial experiences, Poland limited its involvement, due to the limited impact on the achievement of national objectives related to the EU Common Security and Defence Policy. This has been reflected in both official documents and political practice associated with deploying troops on foreign soil. The author sets forth a thesis that these limitations are too substantial, and that there are reasons for greater Polish involvement in the European Union's military missions.

Celem artykułu jest analiza uwarunkowań udziału Polski w afrykańskich operacjach wojskowych Unii Europejskiej na tle ewolucji polskiego stanowiska wobec koncepcji realizacji Wspólnej Polityki Bezpieczeństwa i Obrony. W tekście przedstawiono polskie doświadczenia z udziału w operacjach, a także ocenę jego konsekwencji w odniesieniu do deklarowanych priorytetów polskiej polityki zagranicznej. Autorka wskazuje także na główne przyczyny zmiany stanowiska polskiego wobec dalszego zaangażowania na kontynencie afrykańskim. Zwraca uwagę na przekształcenia wewnątrz Unii oraz ich odbiór przez stronę polską. ; The purpose of this paper is to analyze the conditions behind Polish participation in the European Union's military operations in Africa. The author attempts to describe the evolution of the Polish position on the concept of the Common Security and Defence Policy. The text presents the Polish experiences, gained during operations, and assessments of the outcomes of Polish involvement, against the declared priorities of Polish foreign policy. The author also points out the main causes of changes in the Polish stance against further involvement on the African continent. She draws attention to the transformations within the EU and their reception by the Polish government.