Suchergebnisse

A strategically weighed discussion on the reasoning, history and consequences of the Nordic balance. After the Second World War, large security and defense policy decisions were made that affected Scandinavia when the Soviet Union wanted a higher stake in Finland and Norway and Denmark sought to protect themselves against another occupation by joining NATO. In practice this came to mean that foreign policy in Finland was virtually dictated by the president, Sweden remained neutral but strongly defended, and the strategic importance of Denmark diminished. The balance remained functional as long as Norway kept permanent NATO bases and nuclear missiles outside its borders and Finland prepared a strong defense force against possible NATO and Soviet attacks. L. Pitkaniemi

The important role played by the army in the pol'al life of Latin America is revealed by the history of these nations. To begin with, the military conquistadors were quickly replaced by a civil bureaucracy which was under the complete control of the Spanish crown. The financiers were constantly seeking to sell military titles while the need for a defense against Indians & pirates called for the creation of a militia. The wars of liberation brought the generals to the fore, though Spanish customs had already given the military the benefits of a privileged class. These soldiers now found that they had no outlet for their military prowess because South America was far removed from the area of major conflicts. The generals entered into an alliance with the large landowners to form a pol'al system resembling the Spanish one, a type of caudillism, that is to say a dictatorship depending upon the army. Toward the end of the 19th cent, modifications in the recruitment of soldiers & in the formation of officer corps tended to do away with the influence of the military on pol'al life. It was the crisis that followed WW1 that brought back the influence of the military, but this time in a diff fashion. The officer corps had become much less conservative & had been seriously affected by doctrines inspired by Fascism & Communism. The army also tended to intervene indirectly to support particular pol'al views by allowing the leaders who had the army's support to maintain order. In several states, then, the police, frequently organized with the help of the US, began to play a role formerly held by the army. The Gov's therefore began to depend for their existence on an equilibrium between the army, police, & militia. Frequently, also, the various armed forces were at odds, with the navy & the Air Force generally being more liberal than the Army. Military careers appeared to be instruments of soc promotion & made it possible, in nations where marked diff's in class existed, for individuals to achieve a fair degree of success. Tr by J. A. Broussard from IPSA.

To what extent is Swedish political science influenced by its international surroundings? It is a commonly held view that the US has hegemony within the political science discipline. Using three different indicators -- percentage of foreign references in doctoral dissertations, percentage of foreign references in the articles of Statsvetenskaplig tidskrift, & a questionnaire to the professors in political science at the five major universities -- this article demonstrates that the alleged US hegemony is a myth. It is more appropriate to talk of an Anglo-American axis of dominance. Although Swedish political science is strongly influenced by international theory & methodology, we have not found any major changes in foreign reliance (apart from internal variance) over the last 30 years. Hence, Swedish political science -- according to Swedish political scientists, at least -- is as strong as it was one scholarly generation ago. 7 Tables, 2 Appendixes, 18 References. Adapted from the source document.

In a review of Mikael Sundstrom's Connecting Social Science and Information Technology. Democratic Privacy in the Information Age, Sundstrom's account of a theoretical framework that may serve to simplify information technology environments, with a particular emphasis on the importance of privacy (as defined in liberal democratic societies) is critiqued on the grounds that it is reductive in some ways: the concept of a 'grand base' for information technology innovation that attends to access time, information sequentially, interactivity, pervasiveness, real-time transfer, recipient anonymity, sender anonymity, recipient transfer cost, recipient enabling cost, recipient verification of sender authenticity, & search & retrieve ability, while laudable, is not matched by an attention to practicality or cost of implementation. In his response, Sundstrom claims that he has been misunderstood, particularly in his account of the 'grand base,' whereas the author, in his reply, disputes this. 4 References. A. Siegel

The Central Bureau of Statis in Sweden is gathering data on the duration of studies in arts & sci's. All S's who take an examination are obliged to fill out a questionnaire on this subject. So it is possible to compute (1) the (total - sum) duration, & (2) the net duration: time used for studies proper (all obstacles to studying such as illness, military service, part-time or full-time job, are subtracted), which gives information about the effectiveness of the study concerned. There appear to be large diff's in duration between diff combinations of subjects. I. Pipping.

The ongoing division of the Korean peninsula, a country with 5,000 years of unbroken history & ethnic homogeneity, represents an unnatural state of affairs for Koreans. Minjung is a Sino-Korean term for 'mass movement' & is associated with nationalism, in both its Marxist & liberation theological analyses. The minjung movement dates back to the late 19th century, while the peninsula still was under Chinese rule, & is identified with the struggle against feudalism on the peninsula; later iterations of the minjung were associated with resistance to Japanese rule, &, in South Korea, with student movements against authoritarian & military rule. In recent years, credit for democratic reforms in South Korea have been associated with the minjung movement. 26 References. A. Siegel

This article contains an overview of how the study of human rights issues has developed into a separate multidisciplinary field of academic study & education in Sweden. Its relationship to the different fields of political science is outlined, as well as general problems of a multidisciplinary subject. Three contributions to an edited volume containing Swedish & foreign scholarship on human rights issues drawn from the Swedish Forum for Human Rights, a biannual gathering of practitioners & scholars, are discussed. Those contributions deal with the tensions between universalist & relativist approaches to the character of human rights, the tensions between the development of international law & power relations in international politics, & tensions between group rights & individual rights. 25 References. Adapted from the source document.

Holmberg, an anarchist & syndicalist, has indicated his beliefs in his writings. He has clearly come under the influence of Duhring, whose mark appears in many of his works. Like Duhring, he places a positive philosophy of the world at the base of his system, & is therefore opposed to econ socialism. His anarchistic position is also derived from the Swedish theoretician, Quiding, for whom the history of society is characterized by a fight for right. Finally, the last elements of Holmberg's beliefs is borrowed from the French syndicalists who, at first glance, seem to stress action, while Holmberg's socialism is pure theory. Toward the end of his life, the Swedish anarchist characterized his views by labeling himself a humanist & defining precisely the meaning of this designation. While Holmberg has not had an extensive influence, he occupies a unique position in the history of Swedish pol'al thought. Tr by J. A. Broussard from IPSA.

Decentralization and power devolution are usually associated with territorially large states, and federalism is often said to be particularly common in large countries. This study of the 43 microstates in the world (2006) shows, however, that decentralization and the creation of federal and autonomous units are not foreign to small countries. Indeed, ill the microstate population are four federal cases and another six cases that have introduced evident decentralizing features. When developing a frame of reference for the understanding of this disposition of small units to decentralize, the guiding hypothesis is that whereas small size may in itself discourage decentralization, this relation is tamed by a non-contiguous geography which creates predispositions to autonomy and power devolution. Nine out of the ten above devolution cases being archipelagos, the findings strongly support the belief that territorial non-contiguity fosters decentralization. The findings also survive controls that investigate the impact of several contesting factors. L. Pitkaniemi