Migration and Development: A Global Perspective
In: Politicka misao, Band 36, Heft 4, S. 211-213
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In: Politicka misao, Band 36, Heft 4, S. 211-213
In: Revija za socijalnu politiku: Croatian journal of social policy, Band 14, Heft 1, S. 65-84
ISSN: 1330-2965
In: Politicka misao, Band 50, Heft 4, S. 231-234
In: Politologický časopis, Band 20, Heft 1, S. 101-106
ISSN: 1211-3247
In: Politicka misao, Band 43, Heft 2, S. 148-152
In: Časopis za suvremenu povijest: Journal of contemporary history, Band 50, Heft 3, S. 583-621
ISSN: 0590-9597
World Affairs Online
In: Politicka misao, Band 35, Heft 1, S. 45-53
The author critically analyzes Helmuth Plessner's views on the lack of a clear idea of the state in German tradition as well as the consequences of that for its development in the 20th century. The author claims that it is not so much a question of the nonexistence of the idea of the state as of the nonexistence of a democratic social stratum that would have prevented the authoritarian & later totalitarian developments. He also rejects the interpretation of history as meaningful, goal-oriented processes, since these presuppose a philosophical knowledge about the goals & purposes of an inimitable historical development, the assumption of which today cannot be methodologically vindicated by any historian. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 48, Heft 2, S. 186-204
This paper shows the theoretical framework and the review of empirical evidence of the effect that corruption has on the socio-economic development. The main goals of this paper are: to present the possible origins of corruption, and to analyze the existing models to eliminate or at least to reduce corruption in the society. In the paper, it is argued that anticorruption models should also include the strategy for the development of the institutional infrastructure that will change the perception of the members of the society about corruption as an unacceptable model of behavior. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 38, Heft 3, S. 60-81
Of all the freedoms for which the Cold War was fought, free enterprise was deemed sufficient for acquisition of all other freedoms. The task of political science should now be to expose the loose & insecure moorings of economic ideology & to develop an approach more appropriate to the realities of our time. Our new millennium is a corporate millennium that has been interpreted in the hegemonic model to mean private & free (that is, unregulated) markets. However, any theory capable of incorporating the corporation has to be one of political economy. The first section of this article identifies six state-provided assumptions homo economicus has to be able to make prior to making or entering a market, without which homo economicus stays home. The second section puts the issue in a global context by identifying three developmental tracks -- macro, meso, & micro. Their existence denies the possibility of a pure economic theory of globalization. The third section describes the distinctive politics of each of the three tracks, demonstrating still more conclusively that political economy is the only approach competent to deal with the new corporate millennium. In conclusion, the author argues that political economy is & should be the new political science that this new era requires. 30 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 36, Heft 3, S. 34-44
Taking into consideration all the benefits & pitfalls of its political, economic, military, & cultural legacies, the People's Republic of China has adopted a policy of reliance on rapid economic growth & improvement of the standard of living conducive to political & social stability of Chinese society & state. This goal has been accomplished only temporarily & partially, while the final result depends primarily on the ability of the Chinese leadership to find the golden mean between the two opposites: the closed political system & the need to maintain an open economy. In its search for a place in today's world, China is faced with the central choice of equitable participation in the global community: full acceptance of its mechanisms & principles (beginning with the UN) & international trade norms, the protection of human rights, armament control, environmental protection, etc. However, the Chinese see in this a threat of the erosion of Chinese independence & the possibility of choice & political independence of the Chinese state. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 38, Heft 1, S. 112-124
Historically & geographically, the transitional countries of Central, Eastern, & Southeastern Europe, created by the collapse of the real-socialist system, have always been oriented toward the West European markets & eager to create close economic & political ties with the EU member countries & to be integrated into the Western economic system. The EU leaders are well aware of the economic hardships these new transitional countries are faced with, & realize that it will take them several years to adjust to the new system of values & behavior. With this in mind, they came up with a proposal to create an integration of these transitional countries under the advisory leadership, & with the active help, of the EU economic agencies. One of the positive goals of the idea of integration by means of CEFTA was to establish a relatively homogeneous economic entity & create the conditions necessary for future successful economic cooperation with the EU. The cooperation of the transitional countries & the EU so far has shown some promise, but also some shortcomings, which ought to be eliminated, or at least have their negative consequences minimized. There are two types of shortcomings -- institutional & the material -- & they depend on the degree of development of a transitional country, its legal norms, & other (political, social, & cultural) noneconomic factors. 2 Tables. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 38, Heft 4, S. 53-61
The author looks at the development & significance of the modern constitution. According to him, except for institutionalization of politics, the modern constitution affirms the goals of the political order. Constitutional concerns dwell mostly on the valorization of human rights, a commitment to democracy, & the legal & social state. The modern constitution remains the object of constitutional studies, & precedes the establishment of other forms of law. At its foundations, the modern constitution represents a political union, demarcating a political regime, & citizens remain free to pursue their own interests in social, economic, & political spheres. The two underlying conceptions of the constitution are distinct: on one hand, Thomas Paine established the philosophical underpinnings of the American-European constitutional order (rational & voluntary); on the other hand, the English model licenses constitutional rights in the institutions. Relativized are the differences between the two visions: the instrumental & symbolic functions of the constitution. The former is the outcome of political processes that specify laws & establish limits to political power. The latter is a symbolic function of a good & just society. It is concluded that the constitution requires responsible citizens, & that its symbolic functions emerge over time. A. Siegel
In: Časopis za suvremenu povijest: Journal of contemporary history, Band 50, Heft 2, S. 391-422
ISSN: 0590-9597
World Affairs Online
In: Politicka misao, Band 38, Heft 1, S. 82-97
The author analyzes the relationship between political science & political education by identifying the fundamental contributions of political science to the design, implementation, & promotion of political education & lists the most significant political science arguments proving the necessity of political education. Drawing on research by Putnam, Ostroom, & others, he tries to show how the so-called social capital, to a large extent inclusive of the contents of democratic political culture, is a major factor in the efficient operation of democratic government & in the political development of democracy. The three most important issues (dimensions) of politics that compose the axis of political education are analyzed in detail, dealing with the relationships between politics & democracy, citizenship & identity, & cohesion & diversity (fragmentation & pluralization) in society. The answers to these questions (liberal, communitarian, republican, postmodern) influence the concept of political education: its terms, goals, programs, methods, & other aspects of its implementation. The author stresses the complexity of these dimensions & consequently the sensitivity of political education. Adapted from the source document.
In: Časopis za suvremenu povijest: Journal of contemporary history, Band 53, Heft 3, S. 1209-1247
ISSN: 0590-9597
World Affairs Online