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"Survey researchers increasingly use mixed-mode surveys for general population data collection because mixed-mode surveys are argued to provide lower selection error at constant budgets or lower variable costs at constant selection error. Nevertheless, the advantage of lower selection error and variable costs might be counteracted by higher measurement error and by higher fixed costs. This trade-off between selection error, measurement error, variable costs and fixed costs has hardly been studied within the existing literature about mixed-mode surveys. This paper discusses a possible procedure for evaluating this trade-off by comparing the performance (mean squared error) of mixed-mode survey designs against single-mode survey designs. The procedure is further illustrated by real example data stemming from a mixed-mode mailface-to-face survey. This illustration yields smaller errors for single-mode designs under low budgets but smaller errors for mixed-mode designs under large budgets or, alternatively, a budgetary advantage of single-mode designs when the allowed error is relatively high but a budgetary advantage of mixed-mode designs when the allowed error is relatively small. However, the validity of these results depend on several modelling assumptions which may be topics for future research." (publisher's description)

In a time when equity and justice are at the forefront of conversations across the nation, it is essential that the voices of students are not ignored or tokenized. New York City has the most segregated public school system in the nation, more segregated now than in the 1960s. Hundreds of thousands of students spend every day in segregated classrooms, and yet our voices are not the focus. Students are powerful. Students are knowledgeable. Students are passionate. Students are the ones directly feeling the effects of an immensely segregated and inequitable system.

A whole new deference has now appeared in Western discussions of China. "A New China Rises," said a Time magazine headline in June 2005, as it noted, "The People's Republic has embraced the modern world as never before. Is that cause for celebration or anxiety?"; "Chinese Strength, U.S. Weakness," proclaimed the New York Times in the same month, while in July 2005 it asked, "Who's Afraid of China, Inc?" and described "The New Power Brokers, Born in China, Closing Deals for U.S. Firms" and "The China Syndrome on Wall Street." Meanwhile, China has developed a brilliant film culture, a cinema reminiscent of Italian Neo-Realism, which has brought the world a vision of both the marvelous expanse of Chinese streets and the internal pressures that drive Chinese lives. China's power surge and rapid development form one of the most exciting stories of the late twentieth century.

This article places existing discourses on Egyptian cinema, revolution, and global feminism in conversation with theories of film melodrama. The text examines the tradition of Egyptian melodrama as a site for analogizing women's liberation with national modernization in the wake of the 1952 Revolution—an analogy facilitated by the careful manipulation of melodramatic vernaculars of emotionality, and the endurance of affective cultural memory. In this context melodrama functions as a specific critical tool for understanding how popular film culture then and now organizes people politically and affectively, on- and offscreen. The article further investigates the "method of contradictions" that seems necessary to think critically about comparative melodrama at three levels of discourse: melodrama in general; the Egyptian melodramatic tradition specifically; and within melodramatic scholarship that tends to resemble its object of study.

This paper discusses the Angolan political system after independence. Its haracterisation confronts two interpretative perspectives or what is here called modern and post-modern patrimonialism, each will be exposed. ; King's College London

"In der sozialwissenschaftlichen und historiographischen Forschung zur extremen Rechten in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland haben Fragen nach deren Periodisierung bisher nur eine untergeordnete Rolle gespielt. Während weitgehend anerkannt wird, dass dieses politische Spektrum verschiedene Phasen durchlaufen hat, bleibt die Charakterisierung des Gesamtphänomens oder einzelner Strömungen (sog. 'Neue Rechte') mit Attributen wie 'neu', 'modern' oder 'modernisiert' umstritten. Während einige Autoren eher die Kontinuitäten in Ideologie und Auftreten der extremen Rechten betonen (z.B. Knorr), verweisen andere auf die Dimension der Modernisierung als Wechsel der Anknüpfungspunkte an veränderte cleavages (Leggewie), auf Modernisierung als allgemeine Abwendung vom Nationalsozialismus (Brodkorb) oder sehen diese in der Aufnahme neoliberaler Ideologieelemente vollzogen. Der Beitrag diskutiert die verschiedenen Perspektiven, unter denen in der sozialwissenschaftlichen Forschung zum Rechtsextremismus der Frage seiner 'Modernität' Aufmerksamkeit geschenkt wurde, plädiert auf der Grundlage einer kritischen Diskussion der bisherigen Ergebnisse für eine synchron und diachron angelegte komparative Analyse der verschiedenen Entwicklungsphasen und Strömungen der extremen Rechten unter Verwendung eines systematisierten Kriterienkataloges (Programmatik, Ideologie, Praxeologie, Propagandatechniken, Struktur der Mitgliedschaft und des Elektorats) und schlägt eine alternative Begriffsverwendung vor." (Autorenreferat)