Suchergebnisse

Balıkesir Üniversitesi, Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, İktisat Ana Bilim Dalı ; Türkiye'nin Avrupa Birliği ile 1963'de ortak üye olarak ilişkisi, 1996 yılı başından itibaren Avrupa Gümrük Birliği'ne katılma şeklinde sonuçlanmıştır. Türkiye bugün tam üyelik statüsünü kazanamamış olsa dahi, nihai amaç budur ve kendi siyasal, sosyal, kültürel ve ekonomik yapısını, politikalarını ve kurumlarını tam üye olacakmışçasına şekillendirmektedir. Bu çalışmamızda, Avrupa Birliği'nin kuruluş ve amaçlan, gelişim süreci ve Türkiye'nin bu toplulukla olan ilişkisi ana hatlarıyla özetlendikten sonra, bugün Avrupa Birliği'nin "Parasal Birliği" oluşturma çabalan, parasal birliğin koşulları ve karşılaşılan sıkıntılar incelenmiş ve Türkiye'nin önümüzdeki 10-15 yıl içerisinde Birliğin tam üyesi olabileceği varsayımı ile Avrupa Para Birliği gelişmeleri karşısında durumu değerlendirilmiştir. Tam üye olarak Avrupa Birliği'ne katılması halinde Türkiye, Avrupa Para Birliği oluşumu karşısında mevcut iki alternatiften birini seçecektir. Bu altenatiflerden biri Avrupa Para Birliği'ne katılmamak ancak gelişmeleri dışarıdan takip etmektir. Diğer alternatif ise tam üyelikle birlikte Avrupa Para Birliği'ne de katılmaktır. Bu ise, Türkiye'nin Avrupa Birliği Antlaşması'nda öngörülen Ekonomik Parasal Birliğin makroekonomik yaklaşım kriterlerini yerine getirmesini veya bu kriterlerini bütünüyle yerine getiremese bile, en azından AB ortalama değerlerine yaklaşmasını gerektirmektedir. ; The relationship of Turkey with the European Union started in 1963, as associate member, with the Ankara Agreement, and presently resulted in a Customs Union agreement whichbecame effective at the beginning of 1996. Although Turkey has not yet been accepted as a fiillmember of EU, it has already started to reorganise its political, social, cultural and economic structure with a confidence that its fullmembership is unovoidable and not too far away. In this study after a brief theoritical and conceptual framework, first, foundation and aims of the European Union, its evolution and the relationship of Turkey with the Union were outlined. Then the efforts of the EU to establish "Monetary Union", the conditions of the achievement of the Monetary Union and the Current problems faced were studied. Finally, assuming that Turkey's fullmembershipto the European Union will reasenably be realized in a 10-15 year period, the prospective of Turkey as regard to the European Monetary Union was evoluated. In case of Turkey joins the EU as a fullmember, it will have two alternatives to choose as regard European Monetary Union. One alternative is not to join the European Monetary Union at all. The other alternative is to join the Monetary Union assuming the responsibility of fulfillig the required macroeconomic criteria, or at least approaching to the average values of the Union.

Dünyanın çeşitli yörelerinde başlayan bölgesel bütünleşme hareketleri, kültürel ve coğrafi yakınlıklara dayalı olsa da, temelinde ekonomik ilişkilerin olduğu bir gerçektir. Bu tür ekonomik örgütlenmelerin son zamanlarda dünyanın her tarafında hız kazandığı görülmektedir. Bu ekonomik örgütlenmelerden en önemlisi de Avrupa Birliği'dir. Gümrük Birliği, Tek Pazar gibi önemli aşamalardan sonra en son ve en kapsamlı olan Ekonomik ve Parasal Birlik (EPB) aşamasına geçen Avrupa Birliği, üye ülkelerin ekonomik standartlarını birbirine yakınlaştırarak, bölgeselleşmenin başarı ile sürdürülmesini sağlamaktadır. Bu kapsamda Parasal Birlik aynı zamanda, üye ülkelerin ekonomilerinde borç, fiyat istikrarı, faiz oranları, kur istikrarını içeren kriterlere uymalarını zorunlu kılmaktadır. Avrupa Birliği ile yıllardır süren ve henüz istediği aşamaya ulaşamayan bütünleşme süreci, Türkiye'nin önemli dış politika amaçlarından biri olmuştur. Bu çerçevede yapılan reform çalışmaları ve parasal birlik için istenen kriterlerin karşılanması bu tezin asıl amacını oluşturmaktadır. Bu çalışma ile Avrupa Birliği uyum sürecinde Türkiye ile yaşanan ekonomik ilişkilere değinilmiş ve ekonomik bütünleşme teorisi çerçevesinde hangi aşamanın gerçekleştiği ve bundan sonra kalan aşamalar için neler yapılması gerektiği üzerinde durulmuştur. Özellikle, birliğin en önemli ticari ortaklarından biri konumunda bulunan Türkiye'ye, bütünleşmenin yol haritasının zorlu yollardan geçirilmesi bütünleşmenin düşünüldüğü gibi kolay olmayacağının göstergesi niteliğindedir. Bu doğrultuda, Türkiye'nin bundan sonraki yaklaşımı bütünleşmenin sürdürülebilirliği açısından önem arz etmektedir. ; Although regional integration movements, that emerge in various parts of the world, are derived from cultural and geographical proximity, it is a fact that they are based on economic relations. It is observed that foundation of such economic organizations is accelerating all around the world. Most important of those organizations is the European Union. After going through important phases like Customs Union and Common Market, the European Union achieved the last and the most comprehensive stage: Economic and Monetary Union. By making the economic standards of member countries converge, the European Union successfully sustains the regionalization. Also in this regard, Monetary Union requires the debt level, price stability, interest rate and exchange rate stability of member state economies match certain criteria,. The integration process with the European Union has been of important foreign policy objectives of Turkey, although this process has been going on for years but has not reached the desired level yet. In this study, the economic relations of Turkey in the process of harmonization with the European Union are mentioned and the level of progress in the framework of economic integration theory is elaborated. Especially, headed for integration with the Union as one of the main commercial partners, the obstacles confronted by Turkey are signs that the integration process will not be as easy as expected. In this perspective, the attitude of Turkey hereafter is crucial in terms of sustainability of the integration.

This study takes its starting -point in the Swedish referendum about a membership in the European monetary union. The purpose of the study is to explain the differences that became visible during the EMU-referendum, by thoroughly explore macro-factors & their importance to the voting against a membership at a municipal level. In earlier pursued research concerning voting behaviour & public opinion differences general explanations appear which work as an initial position for this study, the creation of three alternative explanation models & the macro factors to be tested. This study has a statistical design & its intention is to study macro-factors in the 290 municipals of Sweden through collecting material from several sources. The material has been compiled to analytical aggregate data & will be analysed through bivariate- & multivariate regressions. The result shows that the differences that became visible concerning the EMU-referendum can be explained from economic factors & economic structural differences between the municipals. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

Ten years ago, now, the Eurozone began to shake on its foundations. This article traces the genesis of the crisis and the present state of affairs. As to the causes of the global financial crisis in 2008, I argue that contrary to common understanding, the financial crisis had its deeper causes in a decades old tendency towards crisis in the real economy, produced by the continuous overaccumulation of capital which can only return profits by undertaking speculative short-term investments (a phenomenon known as 'financialisation'). I then trace how the global financial crisis morphed into a crisis of public deficits and debt in 2010-2011, particularly in the Eurozone. Three factors are shown to be responsible: financialization, design faults in the European monetary union, and the neo-mercantilist strategy of especially Germany and the Netherlands. The paper next looks at the five main traits of the policy responses in the Eurozone: bailing out governments and banks through creating emergency funds; imposition of austerity and budget discipline for member state governments; attempting to create and complete a Eurozone banking union; subsequently the European Central Bank engaged on an unprecedented scale in 'quantitative easing'; and finally, institutional reform in an attempt to repair the most pressing design faults of the EMU. The paper concludes that the underlying structural factors leading up to the crisis have only been addressed incompletely: the overaccumulation of capital continues, the completion of the banking union is in an impasse, quantitative easing has mostly just intensified financialization by pushing up asset prizes, and institutional reform has taken the form of a fundamentally undemocratic attempt at monetary and political union by stealth. The broader legitimacy of the European project has been substantially undermined, and Europe is not in a better position than eight years ago in case of a new global crisis.

The study examines the European coverage in four leading Nordic newspapers during two periods in 1993 and in 1996. During the first period, three countries were negotiating for membership in the European Union. During the second period, work on a new European Constitution was ongoing, to be negotiated by the Intergovernmental Conference at the end of the period. Two of the applicant countries, Finland and Sweden, were then members of the union since Jan 1, 1995. Voters in the third country, Norway, opted to stay outside the union. Norway is, however closely linked to the union by the previous EEA agreement. Finally, the fourth country, Denmark, had limited its longstanding membership in four important areas. Results of the main study in 1993 indicate a great difference in the degree of Europeanness of the coverage of European affairs, as indicated by the share of European issues, sources, players, institutions etc. The Danish paper, the Politiken, was on all counts genuinely European in its coverage. This could, to begin with, be understood in terms of a relational context - Denmark was a member of the European Community, the other countries were not. In 1996, as could be expected, the Norwegian paper, the Aftenposten, reduced its coverage of European affairs to about half the previous volume, the Finnish and Swedish papers, the Hufvudstadsbladet and the Dagens Nyheter, increased their volumes to new highs. The Danish paper maintained its previously comparatively high volume of European coverage, and was still distinctly more European in its outlook on transnational politics. This could be understood in terms of a new Maturity proposition - it may take a long time for the national media to come to terms with a new political environment. The study also puts forward the proposition that Danish political culture requires a different coverage of European affairs, and also requires an opportunity to discuss and evaluate European politics. On a theoretical level, the study supports the idea that national experience, historical and relational contexts influence media content. National agendas powerfully determine the orientation of transnational political communication . Three in-depth studies by and large confirm results from the content analysis. A separate exercise inspired by Grounded Theory gives rise to three theoretical concepts that seem to be fundamental dimensions of European political communication: Legitimacy (media coverage contributes to status conferral and encourages deliberation of cooperation as an idea), Participation (media coverage as expressions of intrinsical and instrumental motives for joining and taking responsibility towards European cooperation), and Mondialization/Universalism (media coverage of Europe's efforts in the global arena) ; digitalisering@umu