Economic security and prevention of money laundering in commercial banks of Latvia
In: De securitate et defensione: O bezpieczeństwie i obronności, Band 7, Heft 2
ISSN: 2450-5005
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In: De securitate et defensione: O bezpieczeństwie i obronności, Band 7, Heft 2
ISSN: 2450-5005
In: Zeszyty naukowe / Akademia Ekonomiczna w Poznaniu. Seria II, Prace doktorskie i habilitacyjne zesz. nr. 66
In: Acta archaeologica Lodziensia 28
The aim of this study was to identify the mechanisms responsible for the transmission of materialistic models in a mother-daughter dyad, and to answer the question whether – and how – mothers' focus on money and the concomitant motivation to make money influence the formation of materialistic attitudes in daughters. An attempt was also made to ascertain whether the level of autonomy enjoyed by the daughter moderates this relation. 230 women aged 20-35 years took part in the study. To measure the variables, the following scales were used: the Richins Material Values Scale (2004), the Priorities in Life Scale (2001) and the Money-Making Motivation Scale designed by Srivastava, Locke and Bartol (2001), as well as Schwartz's Portrait Values Questionnaire (1992). The results have shown that mothers' specific motivation for making money is transmitted to daughters and conditions their materialism. While expressive and prestige-driven materialism is associated with mothers' hedonistic motivation, compensatory materialism is linked to negative money-making motivation. The effectiveness of modelling has also been shown to be lower in individuals with a higher level of autonomy. ; Celem prezentowanych badań była próba identyfikacji mechanizmów odpowiedzialnych za przekazywanie materialistycznych wzorców w diadzie matka-córka. Poszukiwano odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy i w jaki sposób koncentracja na pieniądzach charakterystyczna dla matek oraz towarzyszące jej motywy zarabiania pieniędzy wpływają na formowanie materializmu ich córek. Sprawdzano również, czy poziom autonomii córek moderuje tę relację. Zbadano 230 kobiet w wieku 20-35 lat. Do pomiaru zmiennych posłużyły: Skala wartości materialistycznych Richins (2004), Skala priorytetów życiowych (2001) oraz Skala motywów zarabiania pieniędzy Srivastavy, Locke'a i Bartol (2001), a także Portretowy Kwestionariusz Wartości Schwartza (1992). Wyniki badania pokazały, że specyficzne motywy zarabiania pieniędzy charakterystyczne dla matek podlegają transmisji i warunkują typ materializmu ich córek. Z materializmem ekspresyjno-prestiżowym związane są hedonistyczne, a z materializmem kompensacyjnym – negatywne motywy zarabiania pieniędzy matek. Rezultaty badania pokazały też, że efektywność modelowania jest niższa u osób o wysokim poziomie autonomii.
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In: Studia Politologiczne, Heft 59/2021, S. 181-201
Multiculturalism as an ideology claims that Western societies ought to be transformed into patchworks of ethnicities, religions and races. It is supposed to help the economy grow. It also cancels out nationalism – the root cause of conflict and war. Immigration brings about such social transformation. From the mid-1980s that ideology set out the limits of public debate and underpinned immigration policies. However, the multicultural consensus of Western elites of opinion, power and money seems to be crumbling. Erstwhile marginalized, its critique becomes ever louder.
This article presents the results of an experimental research carried out in Poland on selected aspects of social capital. These aspects were trust and trustworthiness. Our research was conducted on a total of 1540 students at universities in 16 Polish cities, capitals of 16 administrative regions, and was based on a commonly used experimental game termed the 'Trust Game'. These results were compared with the results of studies performed in many other countries all over the world. It has been found that with regard to the proportion of money returned by Player B (a measure of trustworthiness), Poles (and more generally, those from Central and Eastern Europe) do not significantly differ from other countries belonging to Western culture (Oceania, Western Europe, North America). Based on the proportion of the money transferred by Player A (a measure of generalised trust), there is only a weak indication that Poles are less trusting than other Europeans. ; Artykuł prezentuje wyniki badań eksperymentalnych nad wybranymi aspektami kapitału społecznego w Polsce na tle innych państw. Analizowane są w nim aspekty: zaufania i wiarygodności. W artykule porównano wyniki badań opartych na typowej grę eksperymentalną (grę "zaufanie"), w tym polskie badania autorów przeprowadzone na grupie 1540 studentów w 16 miastach – stolicach regionów Polski. Wyniki badań wskazują, że względem proporcji pieniędzy oddanych przez gracza B (miara wiarygodności), Polacy (oraz ogólnie mieszkańcy Europy Centralnej/Wschodniej) nie różnią od osób z kultury zachodniej (Oceania, Europa Zachodnia, Ameryka Północna). Biorąc pod uwagę proporcję pieniędzy przekazanych przez gracza A (miara zaufania), istnieją słabe tylko dowody, że Polacy przekazują mniejszą część (czyli są mniej ufni) niż pozostali Europejczycy.
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In: Sprawy międzynarodowe, Band 43, Heft 9, S. 43-58
ISSN: 0038-853X
World Affairs Online
In: Studia Politologiczne, Heft 59/2021, S. 163-180
Cryptocurrencies are a decentralized, peer–to–peer network architecture, cryptographically secured, based on trust and consensus, type of virtual currency, incompletely fulfilling some functions of money. They constitute a new interdisciplinary subject of scientific research. In the article, the author indicates potential areas of empirical exploration that can be conducted by representatives of social sciences. The four areas identified were: research on attitudes and opinions, the behavior of the community of cryptocurrency users, products of Internet culture and the structure of the Internet, including, in particular, the block chain. The research is based on well–established techniques, classic in research practice, which, due to the different nature of virtual and physical reality, are modified and adapted to technical conditions.
This paper deals with the reality of political finance in Japan. In the text I describe how the election system influenced the process of creation of party system, especially segmentation of the Liberal-Democratic Party into factions. Consequences of this system include expensive election campaigns which in turn lead to close relationships between political parties and individual politicians and large, particularly corporate, donors. In effect the costs of election campaigns continue to increase and political parties, perpetually in need of money, constantly search for new donors. In this context it is not surprising that in Japan corruption is important problem. What is also important, however, is the fact that dysfunctional relationships between large, corporate donors and political parties were and are fundamental factors influencing economic policies of successive governments.
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Main goal of the article was to analyze European Union policy towards "Arab Spring", that started in 2011. Although EU is strongly involved in the Mediterranean region its reaction on situation in North Africa was rather cautious and unclear. It seems that policy-makers of European institutions and its member states did not understand what was really going on. However slowly they took a side of opposition and European Union has undertaken a wide range instruments: political, economic, humanitarian and social. Several initiatives was implemented, such as: Partnership for Democracy and Shared Prosperity with the Mediterranean – PDSP, Support for Partnership, Reform and Inclusive Growth – SPRING, Deauville Initiative. EU policy towards "Arab Spring" is generally called "3 M" – Money, Mobility, Markets. There were also such support undertakings as: bilateral financial aid for South and East Mediterranean states, establishing task forces and observatory teams for elections in Arab countries and sanctions. Despite this actions EU policy towards "Arab Spring" has been evaluated as limited and too slow. It showed clearly what was known for several years: European Union needs to elaborate new and complex strategy towards the Mediterranean region.
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In: Studia z polityki publicznej: Public policy studies, Band 8, Heft 1, S. 91-105
ISSN: 2719-7131
Citizen participation is becoming an important element of self-government practice in Poland. One of the tools supporting the process of involving residents in local government matters is participatory budgeting. Its fundamental importance is to provide residents of local government units with the possibility of deciding on the allocation of some budget expenses, in particular those relating to infrastructure investments. Participatory budgeting is one of the most effective citizen practices aimed at involving residents in managing their cities. However, it can be a tool or a single project and a part of a thorough, long-term, and comprehensive reform of urban policy, based on the city's administrative reform. Citizen engagement is also seen as an instrument of state effectiveness. When citizens can meet their needs and hold public institutions accountable, public money is likely to be used more efficiently to deliver public goods and services that are better suited to citizens' needs. Recognition of the potential of citizen involvement in public affairs is widespread. The aim of the article is to present the concept and genesis of citizen participation as well as to analyze and compare the completed editions of the Zielona Góra Participatory Budgeting in 20132020. A particular attention was paid to the types of winning tasks and the principles of budget implementation.