Suchergebnisse

The means by which political parties raise & spend hard & soft money in US congressional campaigns was examined, especially for the 2002 campaign that preceded the tighter election laws of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act. Between 1996-2002, soft money spending by both parties expanded because it was less constrained & easier to raise than hard money, more helpful in candidate-specific election messages, & could be targeted to the most competitive races. The expansion of soft money allowed the Democrats to reach parity in campaign spending with the Republicans in 2000 & 2002. The vehicles for spending soft money are examined. Parties focused their spending efforts on a few competitive races & conveyed mainly negative messages. Channeling campaign spending through the national party committees has not strengthened the parties because their soft money was spread over candidate-specific ads. Tables, Figures. M. Pflum

The 2002 race in CO's Seventh Congressional District was extremely competitive, & thus, attracted so much party money that the candidates, republican Bob Beauprez & Democrat Mike Feeley lost some control over their campaign message & issues. Because it was a relatively new district, neither candidate was an incumbent. Beauprez won by a scant 121 votes after a mud-slinging battle. The candidates' & parties' spending amounts & vehicles are detailed. National interest groups were not very involved, but in the ground war financed by soft money, mail pieces were relentless & nasty. Broadcast ads for the CO Senate race overwhelmed the Congressional race ads. Tables. M. Pflum

The author refutes the contention that women candidate are disadvantaged in fund raising. First, current research suggesting women's disadvantage is examined. Second, the author turns to an exploration of the diversity among women candidates, the type of funding women candidates depend on, & the advantages women have in their communities. The author concludes with a proposal for additional research in the following areas: state level politics, elections for executive offices, gender & racial differences in campaign spending, & research examining the role of women's Political Action Committees (PACs). J. Harwell

This book builds on research conducted in 1998 & 2000. Since 1996, soft party money for candidates in competitive congressional elections has surged, because soft money contributed to election committees rather than candidates does not have the same spending limitations as hard money. At the same time, issue advocacy advertising grew to promote or attack specific candidates. The research in this book came from close monitoring of campaigns & noncandidate spending on radio & TV. 134 interviews with campaign elites were also conducted. In 2002, noncandidate spending in 26 competitive races across TV, radio, direct mail, & telephone campaigns exceeded candidate spending. The tone of these campaigns was generally negative. Differences between hard money, soft money, candidate vs. issue advocacy campaigns, voter participation in the 2002 election, & themes of the 2002 campaigns (economy, safety/security, social security, prescription drugs, & education) are examined. In addition, the articles & case studies in this book are summarized. Tables, Figures. M. Pflum

Nontraditional forms of civil society in the US are discussed using the example of Mormon morality, exchange, & gift-giving. In the Western tradition, civil society has been historically defined as a contractual relationship between the private realm & the state mediated by the ideologies of capitalism & individualism. However, it is argued that noncapitalist & nonindividualistic forms of civil society exist both within & outside of the West. Mormon moral doctrines regarding family life & gift-giving deny self-interest, thereby creating a form of civil society that deviates from the traditional Western model. Through work, Mormons are made part of the community, & both work & community are regarded as virtues. Therefore, civil society is grounded in virtue & mortality, rather than monetary exchange. This undermines the capitalist state's primary form of interaction with its citizens (through money) & creates social distance between the state & the Mormon community. It is concluded that civil society need not be built on the premises of capitalism & individualism. 16 References. T. Sevier

A discussion of border control in the European Union (EU), where the free movement of persons within the EU is mandated, focuses on the efforts of member states to develop common policies to control "unwanted" migration. Consideration is also given to the impact of the increase in large-scale & sophisticated human smuggling operations. Although there are no accurate estimates of the number of illegal migrants who have been smuggled into the EU, the largest flows have probably been Kurds & Kosovo Albanians fleeing conflicts in their countries. Measures taken by the EU to limit illegal entry are discussed, along with the increasing use of counterfeit documents by illegal migrants, & the role of smugglers in the production of fraudulent documents. It is contended that the high degree of cooperation among EU member states is an indication of the transformation of member state sovereignty in the context of policy formation at the European level; however, it remains to be seen whether EU cooperation will enable member states to control their borders more effectively. J. Lindroth

Discusses the critique of modernity portrayed in Georg Simmel's Philosophie des Geldes ([Philosophy of Money] 1900). Although many 19th-century German intellectuals saw modernity as a threat to certain distinctive & uniquely valuable aspects of German politics & culture, Simmel depicted modern society as confusing & dangerous, but potentially liberating. Simmel argued that the processes of modernization could give expression to human powers, values, & traits that were uncultivated or totally repressed in the premodern era. However, this view of modernity as epiphany was countered by the more negative aspects of modernity cited by Simmel, who claimed that modern society was shaped & biased by the specific features of an advanced capitalist economy grounded almost solely in money, & the modern emphasis on capital, technology, & material goods inspired alienation. Simmel suggested that money, technology, & material goods bore little relation to human feelings, values, & desires; under these circumstances, modernity undermined traditional visions of reality & created a tremendous gap between what was valued by society & individuals. However, Simmel did not claim that alienation was exclusive to modernity, & he argued that intelligent & committed individuals could transcend this alienation. T. Sevier

It is argued that low-income households are concerned with accumulating financial assets & that the lack of assets significantly hinders the economic growth of such households. Qualitative in-depth interviews with low-income single mothers (N = 198) & noncustodial fathers (N = 180) were conducted to determine low-income households' access to both tangible & intangible assets. Several findings regarding the participants' access to money savings, stocks, & bonds, real estate, machinery & equipment used to sustain self-employment, durable household goods, credit, human capital, & informal social capital are shared. It is concluded that both tangible & intangible assets are required for low-income households to achieve financial growth. Several policy recommendations are also offered, eg, permit individuals who receive welfare to establish savings through individual development accounts so that they can purchase needed goods & accumulate assets. 17 References. J. W. Parker

It is argued that low-income households are concerned with accumulating financial assets & that the lack of assets significantly hinders the economic growth of such households. Qualitative in-depth interviews with low-income single mothers (N = 198) & noncustodial fathers (N = 180) were conducted to determine low-income households' access to both tangible & intangible assets. Several findings regarding the participants' access to money savings, stocks, & bonds, real estate, machinery & equipment used to sustain self-employment, durable household goods, credit, human capital, & informal social capital are shared. It is concluded that both tangible & intangible assets are required for low-income households to achieve financial growth. Several policy recommendations are also offered, eg, permit individuals who receive welfare to establish savings through individual development accounts so that they can purchase needed goods & accumulate assets. 17 References. J. W. Parker

The 2002 House race in the newly created Fifth District of CT was unique in that the two moderate incumbents -- from the former Fifth District, Democrat James Maloney, & the now defunct Sixth District, Nancy Johnson -- challenged each other. The incumbent vs. incumbent race forced interest groups to choose sides, more often with Johnson than Maloney. Despite CT laws against the use of soft money, including national party money, the race witnessed the most money spent in CT history. Similar to other state races, the campaign tone was negative, there was national party soft money spent on issue advertising, & interest groups were involved in issue advocacy. Republicans devoted more money & effort to the ground war than previously. Johnson won the race with a good margin, & outspent Maloney with her large war chest & Maloney's inability to supplement his campaign with national party money. Tables. M. Pflum

As illustrated by the case studies in this book, in the 2002 US Congressional elections, candidates were the focal point in most races, but soft money & its control over messaging was especially heavy. In part, because a law banning soft money was due to take effect right after the election, making the 2002 election the "last hurrah" for soft money. In prior elections, the Republicans always outspent the Democrats in hard money, so the Democrats used soft money & the ground war to make up the difference. The positive & negative consequences of using outside money for campaigns are evaluated, citing the cases in this book. The impact of noncandidate spending on voters was studied with a 2002 panel phone survey in 5 Congressional races & a campaign communications voter log survey in 4 US Senate campaigns. Voter exposure to campaign ads & communications was high, the message tone was negative, & the ad volume led to election fatigue & a turn to newspapers & TV news. The influence of the 2002 Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act on the 2004 elections, election finance, interest group participation, & ground war activities is discussed. Tables, Figures. M. Pflum

In this chapter of Life after Reform: When Bipartisan Campaign Reform Meets Politics, the authors reject the assumption that national political parties are strong in the US due to soft money, & argue that the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act (BCRA) will create broader competition by changing spending & fundraising strategies at the national level of political parties. The changes in use of resources of soft & hard money are contextualized in the light of the new limits & the new incentives to garner hard money donations. The changes in hard money requirements under BCRA as related to party choice of coordinated or independent spending with their chosen candidate is discussed in the case of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee (DCCC). Findings indicate an increased use of political party consultants as a campaign expenditure. In conclusion, the authors predict significant change in the way federal campaigns are financed by a shifting of money away from national party committees to state & local parties, PACs & NGO's. 1 Table, 2 Figures. J. Harwell

In this chapter of Life after Reform: When Bipartisan Campaign Reform Meets Politics, the authors argue that Malbin et al's "hydraulic" theory of money in political systems is exclusive of changes brought about by events such as the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act (BCRA) impacts on the tactics & structural forms of interest groups & advocacy organizations. Working from pre BCRA data as a baseline, & emphasizing the distinction between "pulled" money & "pushed money," the authors develop a conceptual framework that contextualizes the determinants of an organization's electoral behavior. Findings from an analytical comparison of pre BCRA & post BCRA hard & soft money contributions & media centered electioneering show changes in individual contributor behavior, & a move toward direct voter contact. To conclude, the authors reassessment of the data by type of organization finds the largest impact of BCRA in corporations & trade associations. 1 Table, 1 Figure. J. Harwell