Suchergebnisse

U članku se tvrdi da John Rawls u svojoj kritici perfekcionizma sa stajališta liberalističke neutralnosti razmatra koncepcije dobra bez demarkacije između njih, odnosno bez njihova razlikovanja. Naime, Rawls ne razrješava pitanje o tome je li tu riječ o sveobuhvatnoj religijskoj odnosno filozofsko-etičkoj koncepciji ili je riječ o parcijalnom poimanju lokalnih vrijednosti, dobara i ciljeva. Bez obzira na spornu upotrebu pojma sveobuhvatnosti, neophodno je zadržati koncept razložnosti jer poimanja dobra, da bi bila relevantna u političkoj raspravi, trebaju biti relativno dobro zasnovana, konzistentna i koherentna. Kada se pođe od danih razlikovanja, može se tvrditi da u pojedinim slučajevima uvođenje razmatranja određenih dobara u rasprave o osnovnim principima političkog ustrojstva može biti dobro potkrepljeno i, sa stajališta razložnog pluralizma, moralno opravdano. Ipak, umjereni liberalistički perfekcionizam treba precizirati odnose li se političke odluke na stvaranje opcija, na promociju vrijednih ili na odvraćanje od bezvrijednih dobara i u skladu s tim treba odrediti doseg perfekcionističkih mjera. ; The paper argues that Rawls' critique of perfectionism from the standpoint of neutral liberalism scrutinizes the conceptions of the good without demarcation between them, that is, without distinguishing whether they are comprehensive religious or philosophical conceptions, or whether they are piecemeal comprehensions of local values, concepts and goods. In addition to the high contestability in the use of the concept of comprehensiveness, it is necessary to retain the concept of reasonableness, as comprehensions of the good have to be to some extent well-founded, consistent and coherent to be considered relevant in a political dispute. Considering these distinctions, it can be claimed that, in particular cases, the application of considerations of the good in disputes concerning constitutional essentials can be supported and, considering reasonable pluralism, morally justified. Nevertheless, moderate perfectionism has to specify whether political decisions create and support options, promote valuable goods or they discourage worthless goods. It is necessary to delineate the limits of perfectionistic measures accordingly.

Odgovornost međunarodnih organizacija za međunarodno protupravne čine privukla je veliku pozornost doktrine i prakse posljednjih godina, otkad je Komisija za međunarodno pravo UN-a izradila Nacrt članaka o toj materiji. U radu razmatramo osnovna rješenja Nacrta, a posebnu pozornost posvećujemo slučajevima višestruke pripisivosti te odgovornosti država za međunarodno protupravne čine međunarodne organizacije. ; The responsibility of international organizations attracted special attention in theory and practice of international law after the International Law Commission began its work on the topic in 2002. The Commission ended its work in 2011 by adopting the Draft Articles on the Responsibility of International Organization. In this contribution we give an overall review of the Draft articles with special a emphasis on the cases of multiple attribution and responsibility of states for internationally wrongful acts of international organizations. Analyzing the critical remarks raised in regard to the Draft, we concluded that they cannot diminish the successful outcome of the work of the Commission, which is, a coherent and consistent system of rules devoted to the responsibility of international organizations.

Miltonov Izgubljeni raj, kao i izvorna biblijska priča, već dugo izaziva polemike o prirodi i svrsi ljudske seksualnosti. Ovaj rad istražuje Miltonovo poimanje Sotone te Adama i Eve uranjajući ih u virtualnu stvarnost izvrnute svijesti u kontekstu Augustinove doktrine distopijskih društava (antičkih kao i suvremenih) i političke teorije općenito. Seksualna osvješćenja, kako ona u raju tako i ona u suvremenim oblicima kvazirajske zabave, podudaraju se s pojavom solipsističnoga bića i virtualne seksualnosti i, makar tako ne izgleda, ona mogu imati ozbiljne političke posljedice. Ono što sliči na mahnito osobno oslobađanje na javnim mjestima, ustvari se pretvara u velike gubitke političkih sloboda. ; For a long time Milton's Paradise Lost, as the original Biblical story, has been a controversial testing ground for various theories regulating human sexuality. The paper explores Milton's rendering of Satan's and Adam and Eve's immersion in the virtual realities of inverted, false consciousness in the light of Augustine's doctrine, dystopian societies (ancient and modern), and political theory. Sexual enlightenments, whether in Paradise or contemporary quasi-paradisal forms of entertainment, coincide with the appearance of the solipsistic self and cybersexuality and they tend to have serious political implications. What appear to be personal liberating frenzies in public places actually turn out to be serious losses of political freedom.

Osnovna nakana ovoga rada jest pokazati neke od magistralnih puteva kroz koje prolazi sustav lokalne samouprave u Republici Hrvatskoj. Proces europeizacije, naime, sve više zahvaća i oblikuje hrvatsku lokalnu samoupravu, uključujući implementaciju novih standarda rada kao što su procesi decentralizacije i dekoncentracije, privatizacije, liberalizacije, deregulacije, javnosti, transparentnosti i otvorenosti, te specijalizacije, informatizacije i digitalizacije itd. To su temeljne vrijednosti upravnih doktrina poput novog javnog menadžmenta, "dobre vladavine" i drugih. U kontekstu ove teme posebnu pozornost stavili smo na neke aspekte organizacijske strukture Splitsko-dalmatinske županije apostrofirajući pritom posebice podatke o kvalifikacijskoj, spolnoj i dobnoj strukturi zaposlenih u upravnim tijelima županije i neke pokazatelje o financijsko-proračunskom kapacitetu općina, gradova i same županije. ; The key aim of this paper is to demonstrate a few main pathsthrough which goes the system of local self-goverment in Croatia. Europeanization process more and more encompasses and shapes croatian local self goverment including implementation of new standards of work such as democratization and dispersion processes, public participation, transparency , openness and also specialities, informatization and digitalization. These are the fundamental values of admininistrative doctrines like new public managment, "good governance" ect. In the context of this subject of matter, we have put a special emphasis on some aspects of organizational structure of Split-Dalmatia County, underlining data about qualifications, age of employees in administrative structures of County and some data about financial-budget capacity of communities, towns and County.

Članak obrazlaže potrebu eksplicitnoga uključivanja civilnoga društva u Rawlsov sustav političkog liberalizma. Članak identificira tri problema u Rawlsovu sustavu i tada kroz definicije civilnoga društva Keanea, Taylora, Gellnera i Rosenblum izlaže mogućnosti njihova rješavanja. Prvi je problem onaj stabilnosti demokratskih sustava, koji je Rawls riješio uvođenjem preklapajućeg konsenszusa. Rawls, ipak nije dostatno objasnio dinamiku interakcije između razložnih doktrina, čime je ostavio prostor za gubitak potpore trenutnoj političkoj koncepciji pravde u slučajevima u kojima politički predstavnici previše često ignoriraju stavove razložnih doktrina. Drugi je problem onaj nerazložnih doktrina: Rawls planira da ih se riješi uobičajenim pravnim mehanizmima, ali ne elaborira kako se mogu nadzirati njihove aktivnosti. Posljednji je problem onaj stvaranja i mijenjanja javnoga uma, u kojem Rawls ne daje dostatne načine na koji javnost može utjecati na odluke zakonodavaca, sudstva i državnih dužnosnika. Esej identificira elemente definicija civilnoga društva koji rješavaju ova tri problema i zaključuje da bi Rawlsov sustav bio ojačan uključivanjem civilnoga društva. ; The essay argues for explicit inclusion of civil society into Rawls's system of political liberalism. It identifies three problems in Rawls's system and then using the definitions of civil society by Keane, Taylor, Gellner and Rosenblum presents the opportunities for their solution. The first problem is the one of stability of democratic systems, which Rawls solved by introducing overlapping consensus. The essay argues that Rawls does not sufficiently account for the dynamics of the interaction between reasonable doctrines, which can conceivably result in the withdrawal of support for the current political conception of justice if the citizens' representatives too often ignore the views of too many reasonable doctrines. The second problem is the one of unreasonable doctrines: Rawls plans that they be kept under check by legal mechanisms, but does not elaborate on how their activities can be supervised. The final problem is the one of the (re)creation of public reason, in which Rawls offers insufficient means through which the public can influence the actions of law-makers, the judiciary and state officials. The essay identifies the elements of the definitions of civil society that address the three problems and concludes that Rawls's system would be made stronger by the introduction of civil society.

Polazište ovog rada nedavni je prijepor suvremenih realista oko aktualne dvojbe je li vanjskopolitička doktrina američkog predsjednika Donalda Trumpa realistička. Autor ukazuje da je navedena polemika posljedicom zastarjelog, tautološkog, ali još uvijek i neprevladanog dualističkog diskursa u teorijama međunarodnih odnosa, koji dijeli teoriju i vanjskopolitičku praksu na dva dominantna pravca: realizam i liberalizam. Na temelju dosadašnje teorijske kritike novog realizma, ili neorealizma, članak potvrđuje da ovaj suvremeni realistički pravac epistemološki ne pripada tradiciji realizma na koju se poziva, nego se svojim predodžbama o moći, državi i međunarodnom sustavu utemeljuje u političkom idealizmu: pravcu mišljenja koji se redovno pripisuje liberalima I kojemu je tradicionalni, ili "klasični" realizam bitno suprotstavljen. Analizirajući glavne podudarnosti između pretpostavki neorealizma i načela Trumpove doktrine, ovaj rad navodi na zaključak da Trump nije realist nego protuliberalni idealist. Pojam "protuliberalni idealizam" prikladniji je za razmatranje aktualne američke vanjske politike u kontekstu njene hegemonijske pozicije u liberalnom međunarodnom poretku. ; The article's initial motive is the recent controversy among contemporary realists, who questioned the supposed realism of US president Donald Trump's foreign policy doctrine. The author argues that the polemic is a consequential outgrowth of outdated, tautological, and yet still actual binary discourse, that divides international theory and foreign policy practice on Realism and Liberalism. Referring to the established critique of Neorealism, the article argues that Neorealism does not in epistemic terms belong to the tradition of Realism, to which it is a self-proclaimed successor. On the contrary, with its notions of power, state and international system it is established in political idealism: the tradition of thought that is conventionally attributed to Liberalism, and to which "classical" Realism was fundamentally opposed. By analyzing evident congruence between principles of Neorealism and Trump's America First doctrine, the article concludes that Trump is not a realist, but illiberal idealist. His idealistic nationalist world-view, when translated into foreign policy objectives, is in stark contrast to the professed principles of Realism. Furthermore, the concept of illiberal idealism offers an analytical framework for further analysis of present US foreign policy in the context of its hegemonic position in the Liberal International Order.

Polazište ovog članka je u tvrdnji da doktrina narodnog samoodređenja i dalje ostaje jedna od najparadoksalnijih, najkontroverznijih, ali istodobno i najuspješnijih doktrina, koja i dalje u velikoj mjeri doprinosi oblikovanju postojećeg međunarodnog sustava nacionalnih država. U članku se tvrdi da je ta doktrina, čija je namjera bila da sačuva mir i ljudsko dostojanstvo, uvijek bila u samom srcu mnogih sukoba. Ovaj članak analizira paradokse i kontroverze koji su sadržani u toj doktrini, počevši od napetosti između univerzalnosti doktrine narodnog samoodređenja s jedne, i posebnosti nekog konkretnog zahtjeva za narodno samoodređenje neke nacionalne grupe s druge strane. Ti paradoksi i kontroverze odnose se na širok spektar pitanja: od političkih izazova i pitanja legitimnosti same nacionalne države, koja se na taj način stvara, do činjenice da je doktrina narodnog samoodređenja zapravo stvar međunarodne politike, a ne tek puko unutarnje, tj. nacionalno pitanje. Ne odbacujemo samu doktrinu samoodređenja, nego zaključujemo – u zadnjem (devetom) paradoksu – da se njena uspješnost ili neuspješnost ne smije mjeriti brojem država koje su nastale na taj način, nego u kojoj je mjeri ona uspješna u pretvaranju postojećih država u "sigurne kuće" za sve jasnije definirane nacionalne grupe. ; This article's point of departure is that the national self-determination doctrine remains one of the most paradoxical, contested, but successful doctrines which has largely contributed to the shape of our existing international system of nation-states. It argues that the doctrine which is intended to safeguard peace and human dignity is and always has been at the heart of many conflicts. Starting with the tension between the universality of the national self-determination doctrine and the particularity of the national group whose interests it promotes, the article explores other paradoxes contained within this doctrine. They range from political and legitimacy challenges to the very nation-state it creates, through the violations of human rights contrary to its very meaning, to the fact that national self-determination doctrine, far from being a national issue, is actually an international affair. While not rejecting the doctrine, the paper concludes with the final (ninth) paradox that perhaps the success of this doctrine should not be measured by how many states it can produce, but how it can make the existing states a safe home for more self-differentiating national groups.

U ranokršćanskom kompleksu Eufrazijane u Poreču, nastojanja lokalne zajednice, na čelu s biskupom, da podigne spomenik dostojan slavnih porečkih mučenika, ogleda se u raskošnom mozaiku središnje apside bazilike i podudara s ambicijama vladara koji je posljednji od velikih rimskih vladara. U kojoj mjeri nam ikonografski program Eufrazijane i drugih svetišta iz doba Justinijana pomaže da shvatimo ulogu cara kao neprijepornog arbitra na području ne samo politike već i kršćanske doktrine, pokušat ćemo objasniti u ovom prilogu. ; The article deals, once again, with the famous Early Christian complex in Poreč (named Euphrasiana after the bishop Euphrasius who, in the 6th century, has given the complex its present, vell preserved aspect). Euphrasius' claim to fame, of course, are surely the exquisite mosaics that adorn the main apsis of the basilica (as well as fragments in the apses of the two side aisles). It represents Mary as Theotokos, holding Jesus in her lap, surrounded by angels, local martyrs (Maurus), bishop Euphrasius himself, the deacon and his son. The article traces back the development of this iconographical scheme in the central apse of the sanctuary, characteristic for the 6th century and the reign of Justinian, but traceable all the way to the second half of the 5th century when we encounter this type of representation in two recorded stories about Mary's girdle, found in Palestine and brought to Constantinople where Leo I had a sanctuary built to house the precious relic. This iconography can be explained, and often was, by the gradual growth of support for the veneration of Mary, the Mother of God (Theotokos). The official Church played a major part in this respect (in particular as the result of oecumenical councils held in Chalcedon, Ephesus and Constantinople), following and respecting an existing, growing popular affection (one has to note that not all the Church Fathers were all too happy with this; i. e. John Chrysostom and Ambrose of Milan). One last influence has to be reviewed: the imperial contribution in developing and promoting the image of Theotokos as a token of orthodoxy and the holy patron of the state. By 626 it is Mary who is protecting Constantinople and it is her image which is displayed against the invading barbarians. Justinian is rather clear in stating that all of the doctrinal controversies of the period result from the efforts (his efforts !) to prove that Mary is the Mother of God (Theotokos). The iconography in Poreč reflects the endeavours of this emperor just like his other major »investments« do (Gaza, Saint Catherin's monastery in Sinai, Ravenna). There are many details alongside the main idea that bear proof to the Christian oikoumence of the period which is under absolute control by Justinian. As such, Poreč is not only a message against heretic Arians or Monophysites, but also against the Roman Church, unwilling to accept emperor's control over matters of Christian doctrine. Pope Vigilius is dragged away to die in Constantinople while Wuphrasius, just about the same time, celebrates the triumph of orthodoxy as promoted by the emperor, as does his contemporary Maximianus in Ravenna. Justinian is only appropriately remembered as »Herr über Kirche und Dogma«.