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The article of record as published may be found at https://doi.org/10.2990/33_1_69 ; EDITOR'S NOTE. In this plenary talk given at the annual meeting of the Association for Politics and the Life Sciences at Texas Tech University last October, Professor Sophal Ear, then of the U.S. Naval Postgraduate School in Monterey, discussed his research on the political economy of emerging infectious disease (EID) surveillance programs. His talk reviews lessons learned for U.S. military medical research laboratories collaborating with developing countries and is comprised of three case studies: Cambodia (U.S. Naval Area Medical Research Unit 2 or NAMRU-2), Indonesia (also NAMRU-2 in the context of H5Nl or Highly Pathogenic Avian Influenza),1 and Mexico (that country's handling of A/HlNl or Swine Flu in 2009).2 Professor Ear's research provides policymakers with tools for improving the effectiveness of new or existing EID surveillance programs. His work also offers host countries the opportunity to incorporate ideas, provide opinions, and debate the management of political and economic constraints facing their programs. In this analysis, constraints are found for each case study and general recommendations are given for improving global emerging infectious disease surveillance across political, economic, and cultural dimensions.

Marriage patterns of California's eighteenth and nineteenth century
Spanish-Mexican families are analysed using data from genealogies and mission
records. A shortage of women among the military based colonists led to an
unusual marriage pattern with a large age differential between husbands and
wives. The average age at marriage was 18·4 years for women and 28·4 years for
men. Spatial mobility was high for both sexes, particularly for men. More
husbands than wives were born in Mexico. The Monterey presidial district of
central California was the birthplace of a disproportionate number of husbands
and the southern California districts were a source of wives. The transition
between a founding population predominantly composed of Mexican immigrants and
a population of native-born Californians
occurred at the beginning of the
nineteenth century.

SECTION I. Natural and human environment of coastal ecosystems -- Chapter 1. Ecological modelling and conservation on the coasts of Mexico -- Chapter 2. SE Pacific: the ecosystem and its use along the Chilean and Peruvian coast -- SECTION II. Marine ecosystem models in the South East Pacific coast -- Chapter 3. Modelling the Northern Humboldt Current Ecosystem; from winds to predators -- Chapter 4. Marine ecosystem models in the South Pacific coast -- Chapter 5. Keystone Species Complexes and macroscopic properties for improving ecosystem-based conservation practices in kelp forest along the north-central Chilean coast -- Chapter 6. Exploring alternative management policies for benthic ecological systems of northern Chile (SE Pacific) -- SECTION III. Central Pacific, Caribbean and Atlantic coastal ecosystem models -- Chapter 7. How much biomass must remain at the sea after fishing to conserve ecosystem -- functioning? The case of the Monterey sardine in the Gulf of California, Mexico -- Chapter 8. Dynamic and spatial model of the coral reef of Banco Chinchorro Biosphere Reserve (Caribbean Sea) for assessment harvest scenarios: short-term responses -- Chapter 9. Ecological role of sharks assessed by Ecopath models -- SECTION IV. System-based conservation and management: conclusions -- Chapter 10. Graph theory in food webs: uses and applications for conservation of marine ecosystems -- Chapter 11. Modelling aim the conservation of coastal marine ecosystem in Latin America.

Mention très honorable avec les félicitations du jury ; The case of California brings to light the imperial character of nation-building in Mexico and the United States in the early 19th century. Concerning Mexico, in spite of a will to break with the colonial order and to harmonize the whole territory under the same laws, the frontier in general and California in particular are soon seen as places of exception. The equality of Indians proclaimed by Independence proves itself a hard reach. « Putting an end to the old system » in those regions comes to mean the end of the Franciscan missions and requires finding other ways to colonize them. However, the missionaries are so important to control the Indians that the government has to delay this policy. More over, the Indians have their own perception of the meaning of equality and sovereignty on their land. Settlers and soldiers are at first still attached to the colonial system as it is. But Mexican governors and other intermediaries convince a handful of young people to turn to a public career and the conception of California as a political project. A local elite comes to existence and is ready to revolt when they consider their rights flouted. Those revolts can be compared to other federalist revolts in Mexico as well as with settlers revolt in other settlers colonies. The political culture and the relationship with Mexico also evolves with the increase in circulations from the 1830s. The South becomes more connected to Mexico than the North, that becomes more connected to Oregon and the Western United States. Concerning the United States, the hopes of their consul at Monterey to promote a peaceful annexation is ruined by the attack of a frontier post by recent migrants in order to defend their rights to the land and to a « true republic ». This confrontation between Mexican-Californians settlers and United States migrants is one of two national and imperial projects on a same territory and illustrates the ambiguity of claiming sovereignty, liberty and equality ...

Mention très honorable avec les félicitations du jury ; The case of California brings to light the imperial character of nation-building in Mexico and the United States in the early 19th century. Concerning Mexico, in spite of a will to break with the colonial order and to harmonize the whole territory under the same laws, the frontier in general and California in particular are soon seen as places of exception. The equality of Indians proclaimed by Independence proves itself a hard reach. « Putting an end to the old system » in those regions comes to mean the end of the Franciscan missions and requires finding other ways to colonize them. However, the missionaries are so important to control the Indians that the government has to delay this policy. More over, the Indians have their own perception of the meaning of equality and sovereignty on their land. Settlers and soldiers are at first still attached to the colonial system as it is. But Mexican governors and other intermediaries convince a handful of young people to turn to a public career and the conception of California as a political project. A local elite comes to existence and is ready to revolt when they consider their rights flouted. Those revolts can be compared to other federalist revolts in Mexico as well as with settlers revolt in other settlers colonies. The political culture and the relationship with Mexico also evolves with the increase in circulations from the 1830s. The South becomes more connected to Mexico than the North, that becomes more connected to Oregon and the Western United States. Concerning the United States, the hopes of their consul at Monterey to promote a peaceful annexation is ruined by the attack of a frontier post by recent migrants in order to defend their rights to the land and to a « true republic ». This confrontation between Mexican-Californians settlers and United States migrants is one of two national and imperial projects on a same territory and illustrates the ambiguity of claiming sovereignty, liberty and equality ...

The deep-water crustacean fauna of the Americas in a global context -- Deep-Sea Pycnogonids From Urugay: Every Deep Cruise Adds Valuable Information -- The deep water Colossendeis tenera Hilton, 1943 (Pycnogonida; Pantopoda; Colossendeidae) off western Mexico -- The deep-water benthic Harpacticoida (Copepoda) of the Americas -- Updated checklist of deep-sea amphipods (Amphilochidea and Senticaudata) from western Mexico, NE Pacific Ocean -- Isopoda Epicaridea from deep water around North and Central America -- Biodiversity of the deep-sea isopods, cumaceans and amphipods (Crustacea, Peracarida) recorded off the Argentine coast -- Benthic invertebrate communities in the continental margin sediments of the Monterey Bay area -- Sex distribution and reproductive trends in the deep-water species of Nematocarcinus (Crustacea: Decapoda: Nematocarcinidae) from western Mexico -- Influence of environmental variables on the abundance and distribution of the deep-water shrimps Nematocarcinus faxoni Burukovsky, 2001 and N. agassizii Faxon, 1893 (Crustacea: Decapoda: Nematocarcinidae) off western Mexico -- Deep-water penaeoid shrimp of the southern Gulf of Mexico upper slope. Distribution, abundance and fishery potential -- Pelagic shrimps (Crustacea, Decapoda, Dendrobranchiata and Caridea) in the southeast Pacific -- Deep-water lobsters (Polychelidae and Nephropidae) from the continental slope of the southern Gulf of Mexico: distribution and morphometric relationships -- New molecular data on squat lobster from the coast of Sao Paulo State (Brazil) (Anomura: Munida and Agononida) and insights on the systematics of the Family Munididae -- Biology and distribution of Agononida longipes (Crustacea: Decapoda: Munididae) in the Colombian Caribbean Sea -- King crabs of Peruvian waters during 2003-2004: new insights -- Lower slope and abyssal decapods of the eastern Pacific -- Conservation strategies for potential new deep-sea crustacean fisheries in the Colombian Caribbean under an ecosystem approach -- Diversity, abundance and biomass of deep-sea decapod crustaceans of the Uruguayan continental slope in the southwestern Atlantic Ocean -- Deep-sea megacrustacean biodiversity in the South Gulf of Mexico -- Catalogue of typical deep-sea decapod fauna from Brazilian waters -- An annotated checklist and bibliography of deep-water isopods and decapod crustaceans from Chile, including the submarine ridges of Salas y Gomez and Nazca Plates -- Deep-water stomatopod and decapod crustaceans collected off Central America by the R/V "Miguel Oliver" -- Diversity and biology of deep-water crustaceans from in Rica -- New crustacean species records collected between 670 and 3400 m of depth in the Colombian Caribbean Sea.

Mention très honorable avec les félicitations du jury ; The case of California brings to light the imperial character of nation-building in Mexico and the United States in the early 19th century. Concerning Mexico, in spite of a will to break with the colonial order and to harmonize the whole territory under the same laws, the frontier in general and California in particular are soon seen as places of exception. The equality of Indians proclaimed by Independence proves itself a hard reach. « Putting an end to the old system » in those regions comes to mean the end of the Franciscan missions and requires finding other ways to colonize them. However, the missionaries are so important to control the Indians that the government has to delay this policy. More over, the Indians have their own perception of the meaning of equality and sovereignty on their land. Settlers and soldiers are at first still attached to the colonial system as it is. But Mexican governors and other intermediaries convince a handful of young people to turn to a public career and the conception of California as a political project. A local elite comes to existence and is ready to revolt when they consider their rights flouted. Those revolts can be compared to other federalist revolts in Mexico as well as with settlers revolt in other settlers colonies. The political culture and the relationship with Mexico also evolves with the increase in circulations from the 1830s. The South becomes more connected to Mexico than the North, that becomes more connected to Oregon and the Western United States. Concerning the United States, the hopes of their consul at Monterey to promote a peaceful annexation is ruined by the attack of a frontier post by recent migrants in order to defend their rights to the land and to a « true republic ». This confrontation between Mexican-Californians settlers and United States migrants is one of two national and imperial projects on a same territory and illustrates the ambiguity of claiming sovereignty, liberty and equality on a conquered territory. ; Le cas de la Californie met en évidence le caractère impérial de la construction nationale du Mexique et des États-Unis au début du xixe siècle. Du point de vue du Mexique, malgré une volonté de rupture avec l'ordre colonial et d'harmonisation de tout le territoire, les frontières en général et la Californie en particulier sont vues comme des lieux d'exception. L'égalité des Indiens proclamée par l'indépendance s'y avère difficilement réalisable. « Mettre fin à l'ancien système » dans ces régions signifie mettre fin aux missions franciscaines et trouver d'autres moyens de les coloniser. Cependant, l'importance des missionnaires pour faire travailler les Indiens et empêcher les révoltes conduit le gouvernement à repousser la fin des missions. Les Amérindiens ont aussi leurs propres revendications sur une terre qu'ils considèrent comme leur. Les colons et soldats sont d'abord pour la plupart attachés au système tel qu'il est. Mais certains gouverneurs et d'autres intermédiaires orientent un certain nombre de jeunes gens vers une carrière publique et la conception de la Californie comme un projet politique fondé sur la souveraineté populaire puis la souveraineté des États. Se forme alors une élite locale prête à se révolter quand elle estime ses droits bafoués. Ces révoltes sont comparables aux révoltes fédéralistes au Mexique mais aussi à celles de colonies de peuplement dans les empires. La culture politique et les liens avec le Mexique évoluent aussi avec l'augmentation des circulations : à l'échelle régionale, le sud se rapproche du Mexique plus que le nord qui connaît une forte immigration de l'Oregon et de l'ouest des États-Unis. Du point de vue des États-Unis, l'espoir du consul à Monterey d'une demande d'annexion sans guerre est ruiné par l'initiative de migrants des années 1840, nourris des discours sur la « destinée manifeste », de défendre leurs droits à la terre et à une « vraie république » en Californie par l'attaque d'un poste de la frontière nord. Cette confrontation entre colons mexicains-californiens et migrants étatsuniens est celle de deux projets impériaux et nationaux sur un même territoire et illustre l'ambiguïté de la revendication de souveraineté, de liberté et d'égalité sur un territoire conquis.

Mention très honorable avec les félicitations du jury ; The case of California brings to light the imperial character of nation-building in Mexico and the United States in the early 19th century. Concerning Mexico, in spite of a will to break with the colonial order and to harmonize the whole territory under the same laws, the frontier in general and California in particular are soon seen as places of exception. The equality of Indians proclaimed by Independence proves itself a hard reach. « Putting an end to the old system » in those regions comes to mean the end of the Franciscan missions and requires finding other ways to colonize them. However, the missionaries are so important to control the Indians that the government has to delay this policy. More over, the Indians have their own perception of the meaning of equality and sovereignty on their land. Settlers and soldiers are at first still attached to the colonial system as it is. But Mexican governors and other intermediaries convince a handful of young people to turn to a public career and the conception of California as a political project. A local elite comes to existence and is ready to revolt when they consider their rights flouted. Those revolts can be compared to other federalist revolts in Mexico as well as with settlers revolt in other settlers colonies. The political culture and the relationship with Mexico also evolves with the increase in circulations from the 1830s. The South becomes more connected to Mexico than the North, that becomes more connected to Oregon and the Western United States. Concerning the United States, the hopes of their consul at Monterey to promote a peaceful annexation is ruined by the attack of a frontier post by recent migrants in order to defend their rights to the land and to a « true republic ». This confrontation between Mexican-Californians settlers and United States migrants is one of two national and imperial projects on a same territory and illustrates the ambiguity of claiming sovereignty, liberty and equality on a conquered territory. ; Le cas de la Californie met en évidence le caractère impérial de la construction nationale du Mexique et des États-Unis au début du xixe siècle. Du point de vue du Mexique, malgré une volonté de rupture avec l'ordre colonial et d'harmonisation de tout le territoire, les frontières en général et la Californie en particulier sont vues comme des lieux d'exception. L'égalité des Indiens proclamée par l'indépendance s'y avère difficilement réalisable. « Mettre fin à l'ancien système » dans ces régions signifie mettre fin aux missions franciscaines et trouver d'autres moyens de les coloniser. Cependant, l'importance des missionnaires pour faire travailler les Indiens et empêcher les révoltes conduit le gouvernement à repousser la fin des missions. Les Amérindiens ont aussi leurs propres revendications sur une terre qu'ils considèrent comme leur. Les colons et soldats sont d'abord pour la plupart attachés au système tel qu'il est. Mais certains gouverneurs et d'autres intermédiaires orientent un certain nombre de jeunes gens vers une carrière publique et la conception de la Californie comme un projet politique fondé sur la souveraineté populaire puis la souveraineté des États. Se forme alors une élite locale prête à se révolter quand elle estime ses droits bafoués. Ces révoltes sont comparables aux révoltes fédéralistes au Mexique mais aussi à celles de colonies de peuplement dans les empires. La culture politique et les liens avec le Mexique évoluent aussi avec l'augmentation des circulations : à l'échelle régionale, le sud se rapproche du Mexique plus que le nord qui connaît une forte immigration de l'Oregon et de l'ouest des États-Unis. Du point de vue des États-Unis, l'espoir du consul à Monterey d'une demande d'annexion sans guerre est ruiné par l'initiative de migrants des années 1840, nourris des discours sur la « destinée manifeste », de défendre leurs droits à la terre et à une « vraie république » en Californie par l'attaque d'un poste de la frontière nord. Cette confrontation entre colons mexicains-californiens et migrants étatsuniens est celle de deux projets impériaux et nationaux sur un même territoire et illustre l'ambiguïté de la revendication de souveraineté, de liberté et d'égalité sur un territoire conquis.

Mention très honorable avec les félicitations du jury ; The case of California brings to light the imperial character of nation-building in Mexico and the United States in the early 19th century. Concerning Mexico, in spite of a will to break with the colonial order and to harmonize the whole territory under the same laws, the frontier in general and California in particular are soon seen as places of exception. The equality of Indians proclaimed by Independence proves itself a hard reach. « Putting an end to the old system » in those regions comes to mean the end of the Franciscan missions and requires finding other ways to colonize them. However, the missionaries are so important to control the Indians that the government has to delay this policy. More over, the Indians have their own perception of the meaning of equality and sovereignty on their land. Settlers and soldiers are at first still attached to the colonial system as it is. But Mexican governors and other intermediaries convince a handful of young people to turn to a public career and the conception of California as a political project. A local elite comes to existence and is ready to revolt when they consider their rights flouted. Those revolts can be compared to other federalist revolts in Mexico as well as with settlers revolt in other settlers colonies. The political culture and the relationship with Mexico also evolves with the increase in circulations from the 1830s. The South becomes more connected to Mexico than the North, that becomes more connected to Oregon and the Western United States. Concerning the United States, the hopes of their consul at Monterey to promote a peaceful annexation is ruined by the attack of a frontier post by recent migrants in order to defend their rights to the land and to a « true republic ». This confrontation between Mexican-Californians settlers and United States migrants is one of two national and imperial projects on a same territory and illustrates the ambiguity of claiming sovereignty, liberty and equality on a conquered territory. ; Le cas de la Californie met en évidence le caractère impérial de la construction nationale du Mexique et des États-Unis au début du xixe siècle. Du point de vue du Mexique, malgré une volonté de rupture avec l'ordre colonial et d'harmonisation de tout le territoire, les frontières en général et la Californie en particulier sont vues comme des lieux d'exception. L'égalité des Indiens proclamée par l'indépendance s'y avère difficilement réalisable. « Mettre fin à l'ancien système » dans ces régions signifie mettre fin aux missions franciscaines et trouver d'autres moyens de les coloniser. Cependant, l'importance des missionnaires pour faire travailler les Indiens et empêcher les révoltes conduit le gouvernement à repousser la fin des missions. Les Amérindiens ont aussi leurs propres revendications sur une terre qu'ils considèrent comme leur. Les colons et soldats sont d'abord pour la plupart attachés au système tel qu'il est. Mais certains gouverneurs et d'autres intermédiaires orientent un certain nombre de jeunes gens vers une carrière publique et la conception de la Californie comme un projet politique fondé sur la souveraineté populaire puis la souveraineté des États. Se forme alors une élite locale prête à se révolter quand elle estime ses droits bafoués. Ces révoltes sont comparables aux révoltes fédéralistes au Mexique mais aussi à celles de colonies de peuplement dans les empires. La culture politique et les liens avec le Mexique évoluent aussi avec l'augmentation des circulations : à l'échelle régionale, le sud se rapproche du Mexique plus que le nord qui connaît une forte immigration de l'Oregon et de l'ouest des États-Unis. Du point de vue des États-Unis, l'espoir du consul à Monterey d'une demande d'annexion sans guerre est ruiné par l'initiative de migrants des années 1840, nourris des discours sur la « destinée manifeste », de défendre leurs droits à la terre et à une « vraie république » en Californie par l'attaque d'un poste de la frontière nord. Cette confrontation entre colons mexicains-californiens et migrants étatsuniens est celle de deux projets impériaux et nationaux sur un même territoire et illustre l'ambiguïté de la revendication de souveraineté, de liberté et d'égalité sur un territoire conquis.

El supremo gobierno de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos, deseando arreglar los límites de sus vastas posesiones hácia el N. E., nombró en el año de 1827 una comision para que marcase los puntos convenidos en el tratado celebrado en 1819 por D. Luis de Onys ; pero las cámaras, así como el poder ejecutivo, persuadidos de que en el interior de la República se ignoraba el verdadero aspecto de aquellas fronteras desiertas ó poco conocidas, resolvieron, para tener datos mas positivos, no limitarse á nombrar solo un comisario y un geómetra, sino una comision científica, compuesta de varios sugetos, que pudiesen, á mas de cumplir con el principal objeto del Viage, dar noticias sobre la fisica y la historia natural de aquellas paises remotos. El Exmo. Sr. general D. Manuel de Mier y Terán fué nombrado director de la comision ; y á su celo y vastos conocimientos se deben la diversidad de notas que ha adquirido la comision en sus largos viages. Los tenientes coroneles D. José Batres y D. Constantino Tarnava fueron encargados de las observaciones militares y geográficas : el teniente D. José María Sanchez nos acompañó como dibujante, y á los que suscriben fueron designadas las observaciones relativas á las ciencias naturales. El diario que sigue manifiesta las que han hecho ; pero advertimos, que á pesar de que los trabajos fueron distribuidos como queda dicho, mutuamente nos auxiliábamos unos á otros, cuando el tiempo y las circunstancias lo permitian ; Dedicatoria al Exmo. Sr. general Don José María Tornel -- Motivo de esta obra -- Diario de viage -- Viage de Matamoros á varios puntos del Estado de Tamaulipas -- Viage en el Estado de Tamaulipas -- Viage de Matamoros á Monterey -- Regreso á Matamoros -- Caza del oso y cíbolo en el N. O. de Téjas -- Zoología -- Ornitología -- Reptiles -- Espedicion científica á Téjas del general Terán ; 299 p.