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Call for Papers for a Conference in Warsaw, Poland, on November 30–December 2, 2023. Deadline: June 30, 2023

Rapid developments are taking place in the field of neuroscience. As a result, ethical questions are increasingly being taken up in the field of brain research: Is there freedom of will? Are human beings free in their actions, or are their actions determined? In the following, the question of moral responsibility in criminals as well as the question of free will underlying this question are examined from an Islamic perspective[1] in an interdisciplinary manner.
Der Beitrag The question of free will in Islamic philosophy erschien zuerst auf Philosophie InDebate.

Am 22. und 23. Juni findet an der Frankfurter Goethe-Uni eine von Regina Schiedel und Lukas Sparenborg organisierte Konferenz mit dem Titel "Epistemic Injustices, Marginalized Knowledges, and Trust Conflicts" statt. Neben einer Keynote von Serene Khader über "Colonial Epistemic Habits in Moral and Political Philosophy?" bietet das Konferenzprogramm insgesamt vier – nicht zeitgleiche! – Panel […]

What is permissible for the Israeli government to do in response to the murderous attack by Hamas? The answer to this is difficult, not only because blood is boiling and hearts are broken, but also because there is a complex moral dilemma here. In this blog, we hope to offer some guidelines to clarify the issue. We do not claim to provide definitive answers. The required analysis is complex, and it is incumbent upon the Israeli government and the IDF to ensure that the various steps taken are morally justified.

By Elife Biçer-Deveci. Historical analysis of scientific debates on alcohol provides insights into power relations, political tensions, and hidden aspects of the nation-building process. In the case of early twentieth-century Turkey, scientists shaped the narrative of drinking as an alien element of the Turkish nation.

by Adrian Schlegel The year 2020 might fill our descendants' history books with the rampant phenomena that emerged around the COVID-19 pandemic. The global health crisis, aggravating social inequalities, political authoritarianism, gender-based discrimination and economic fragility might be few aspects that would serve as representational bullet points of currently lived...

Betreten verboten (Symbolbild) – CC0 Motiv: Midjourney („a tiny employee with a briefcase stands in front of a large office building. detailed drawing. blue and grey. –aspect 16:9“); Schild: Pixabay, hpgruesenpi; Montage: netzpolitik.orgCengiz Haksöz ist ein engagierter Content-Moderator: Er ist im Bundestag aufgetreten, sollte die Wahl eines Betriebsrats organisieren. Jetzt sagt sein Arbeitgeber: Er darf die Firma nicht mehr betreten. Der Fall ist ein Frontalangriff auf die Demokratie. Ein Kommentar.

In the light of the terrorist attack perpetrated by Hamas against innocent civilians in Israel on October 7th, some contend that "The imperative to protect human dignity only applies absolutely if it applies universally, and it only applies universally if it applies absolutely." In the face of evil, there is no room for relativism. Hamas's deliberate attack against innocent civilians is absolutely wrong. Therefore, it should be universally condemned. I agree with the above conclusion. However, I wonder how a universal recognition of an absolute duty of respect for human dignity can help solving the existential conflict confronting Israelis and Palestinians. Ideally, a two-state solution proposed by the international community can be seen as a reasonable and fair compromise. Nevertheless, the reality on the ground is different. This blog post explores the downstream consequences - and hurdles - of moral absolutism in times of war, terror, and existential crisis.

The platform work directive proposal presents important implications for the implementation of social security schemes (e.g. those relating to unemployment or incapacity). In particular, it required digital labour platforms to declare and inform social protection authorities of the work performed through the platform and to share with them relevant data, among other aspects. It is important that these implications are maintained in a final instrument, as suggested by the Parliament in its position for trilogue negotiations.

Soon Brussels' newest big thing - the Artificial Intelligence Act - will enter the Trilogues. In order to better understand what's at stake, who are the main actors and their motivations, and how to make one's mind about all the conflicting claims we need to dive into the legal, economic and political aspects of the AI Act. The aim of this piece is to contextualize major milestones in the negotiations, showcase some of its critical features and flaws, and present challenges it may in the near future pose to people affected by "smart" models and systems.

The Online Safety Act (OSA) has now become law, marking a significant milestone in platform regulation in the United Kingdom. The OSA introduces fresh obligations for technology firms to address illegal online content and activities, covering child sexual exploitation, fraud, and terrorism, adding the UK to the array of jurisdictions that have recently introduced new online safety and platform accountability regulations. However, the OSA is notably short on specifics. In this post, we dissect key aspects of the OSA structure and draw comparisons with similar legislation, including the EU Digital Services Act (DSA).

By 1 April 2018, member states had to transpose an EU Directive on 'the strengthening of certain aspects of the presumption of innocence and of the right to be present at the trial in criminal proceedings'. Bulgaria has not fully transposed it to this day, and consistently undermines it. Now, finally, the Commission has launched infringement proceecings. Preceding the announcement, the Commission rejected Rasosveta Vassileva's reasoned complaints on the same issue, as late as 2022. Her odyssey is a concerning tale on how EU institutions handle citizen alerts.

The way the escalation of violence in Israel, the Gaza Strip, and adjacent areas in the region is discussed in Germany is, in many respects, not surprising. It follows the structural dynamics of war discourses: the polarization into a friend–enemy schema; the negation of moral ambivalence; patterns of legitimation which suggest that the actions of one side are more than justified by the previous actions of the other side; the compulsion of the threat situation, discrediting reflection and distancing as inappropriate; the construction of unparalleled amorality; the circumvention of humane standards through dehumanization of the enemy; the simplification of an inherently complex situation.
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Hanna Pfeifer



Prof. Dr. Hanna Pfeifer ist Professorin für Politikwissenschaft mit dem Schwerpunkt Radikalisierungs- und Gewaltforschung in Kooperation mit der Goethe-Universität Frankfurt und Leiterin der Forschungsgruppe "Terrorismus" am PRIF. Sie forscht u.a. zu staatlichen und nicht-staatlichen Gewaltformen und –akteuren in der MENA-Region. // Prof. Dr Hanna Pfeifer is Professor of Political Science with a Focus on Radicalisation and Violence Research at PRIF and Goethe University Frankfurt, as well as head of PRIF's research group "Terrorism". Her research interests include, inter alia, state and non-state violence and actors in the MENA region. | Twitter: @hanna_pfeifer

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Der Beitrag Israel–Gaza: A German War Discourse erschien zuerst auf PRIF BLOG.

A team of seven African presidents led an initiative in mid-June 2023 to attempt to make peace in the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war. For most observers, this intervention raised interesting questions: How can states from a continent ravaged by wars and conflicts have the courage, credibility, and conviction to intervene in a European conflict? Moreover, how can countries without power and leverage intervene in a conflict in which other more powerful actors have failed? What did they expect to achieve from this intervention? This article suggests that the African team sought to invoke the dire economic consequences occasioned by the Russia-Ukraine conflict on Africa to exert moral leverage on the disputing parties to end the war. Combined with the desperate economic situation, the African leaders found strength in their neutrality to make a case for a peaceful approach to a conflict that has had global ramifications. The initiative did not seek to mediate the conflict; rather, it was a modest diplomatic plea for peace in the face of a deteriorating situation.
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Gilbert Khadiagala



Gilbert Khadiagala ist Jan-Smuts-Professor für Internationale Beziehungen an der Witwatersrand-Universität und Gastprofessor an der HSFK. // Gilbert Khadiagala is Jan Smuts Professor of International Relations at Witwatersrand University and visiting professor at PRIF.

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Der Beitrag An African Peace Initiative in the Russia-Ukraine War? erschien zuerst auf PRIF BLOG.

Poland's upcoming parliamentary elections will be the country's most important vote since the historic elections of 1989. Indeed, the momentous character of the elections might be the only thing upon which the governing PiS (Law and Justice) party and the opposition might agree. If the elections in October were fair, PiS' defeat might be plausible though by no means certain. Yet, the preceding sentence identifies a condition we already know will not occur. In this analysis, I map the multiple ways in which the system has been rigged in favour of the incumbents. While I will only describe the most striking aspects of this unfairness, they all form parts of a system and thus should not be looked at in isolation. Kaczyński is a shrewd politician. There's a method to his (apparent) madness. For the opposition to win is thus a Herculean task. Herculeses do appear in politics – but not that often.