Reducir la huella de carbono seis veces separando aguas negras y lluvias, arborizando, usando bioingeniería e incorporando tecnologías verdes de diseño urbano, aunque sea meritorio máxime cuando no se tienen precedentes en Manizales, no significa que no estén en el lugar equivocado, dado que mientras el medio natural captura carbono, la urbanización no lo hace. A continuación se describe la magnitud de un impacto no mitigable que el POT nunca podría justificar, asociado a la amenaza de ecocidio causada por la progresividad del daño en una Zona con Función Amortiguadora ZFA, aquella donde está La Aurora y sectores contiguos, por tratarse del área prevista para proteger la Reserva Forestal Protectora de Río Blanco y de la cual se provee el 35% de agua e la ciudad, todo por aceptar un uso del suelo que además generar derechos a repetir acciones que vulneran la Ley Ambiental Internacional, tiene como principal propósito capturar la plusvalía urbana. Si la zona declarada anillo de contención tal cual lo señala el POMCA debe amortiguar los impactos urbanos, entonces para no afectar la Reserva Protectora, dicha ZFA no puede ser destinada por el POT a usos urbanos
En el marco de la aprobación el POT, Manizales ha venido discutiendo el uso del suelo en un predio destinado a una función de amortiguamiento para proteger un ecosistema estratégico, que hace parte de Sistema de Áreas Protegidas de Colombia, lugar donde se proyecta una ciudadela para 10 mil habitantes instalados sobre un área de 12,5 hectáreas, adjunta a una Reserva Forestal Protectora que también provee de agua a la ciudad. Es el caso de la urbanización Tierraviva, que de aceptarse el uso urbano del suelo en el POT, se construiría en La Aurora colindando con la Reserva Forestal Protectora de Río Blanco, desconociendo la función social y ecológica que debe cumplir el predio como anillo de contención para amortiguar los impactos urbanos
En este trabajo se muestra, mediante el análisis de la literatura y de las noticias más recientes, cómo a través de la utilización de algoritmos neurales y la aplicación de estrategias enmarcadas en lo que se denomina posverdad, ciertos grupos políticos, principalmente los que detenta el poder en democracias con instituciones débiles, crean una realidad segmentada que atiende a sus intereses y que a su vez torna complicada la labor de exposición de los hechos fácticos. Palabras Clave: Posverdad, realidad discreta, política. Referencias [1]P. Berger y T. Luckmann, Construcción social de la realidad, Buenos Aires: Amorrortu Editores, 2003. [2]F. B. Morales Romero y R. R. Martínez Martínez, «La posverdad: identidades colectivas que degeneran las democracias,» Anagramas Rumbos y Sentidos de la Comunicación, vol. 19, nº 37, pp. 111-126, 2020. [3]M. Barón Pulido, Á. Duque Soto, F. Mendoza Lozano y Q.P. Wilmer, «Redes sociales y relaciones digitales, una comunicación que supera el cara a cara,» Revista Internacional de Pedagogía en Innovación educativa, vol. 1, nº 1, pp. 123-148, 2020. [4]P. Iosifidis, «The battle to end fakenews: A qualitative content analysis of Facebook announcements on how it combats disinformation,» The International Communication Gazette, vol. 82, nº 1, pp. 60-81, 2020. [5]D. Kaufman y L. Santaella, «The role of artificial intelligence algorithms in the social web,» Revista Famecos- Midia, Cultura e Tecnologia, vol. 2020, nº Unique, pp. 20-26, 2020. [6]J. Habermas, Historía y crítica de la opinión pública, Barcelona: Gustavo Gili, 2002. [7]E. Noelle-Neumann, La espiral del silencio, Barcelona:Paidós, 2010. [8]D. Innerarity, Politica para perplejos, Barcelona: Galaxia Gutenberg, 2018. [9]I. Blanco Alfonso, «Posverdad, percepción de la realidad y opinión pública. Una aproximación desde la fenomenología, » Revista de Estudios Políticos, 187, vol. 2020, nº 187, pp. 167-186, 2020. [10]V. Bufacchi, «Truth, lies and tweets: A Consensus Theory of Post-Truth.,» Philosophy and Social Criticism, vol. 47, nº3, p. 347–361, 2021. [11]J. Ortega y Gasset, Meditaciones del Quijote, Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1969. [12]c. Belvedere, «El problema de la realidad en el marco de la influencia hispánica en la obra de Alfred Schutz,» Investigaciones Fenomenológicas, vol. 4, nº II, pp. 245-277, 2013. [13]A. Schutz, El problema de la realidad social, Buenos Aires: Amorrortu Editores, 1995. [14]Y. Hernández Romero y R. V. Galindo Sosa, «El concepto de intersubjetividad en Alfred Schutz,» espacios Públicos, vol. 10, nº 20, pp. 228-240, 2007. [15]L. Aguilar Villanueva, «Una reconstrucción del concepto de opinión pública,» Revista Mexicana de opinión pública, vol. 12, nº 23, pp. 125-148, 2017. [16]Wikipedia, «es.wikipedia.org,» Wikipedia, 27 March 2021. [En línea]. Available: https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gallup_(empresa). [Último acceso: 30 March 2021]. [17]W. Lippmann, La opinión público, Madrid: Cuadernos de Langre, 2003. [18]P. Capilla, «De qué hablamos cuando hablamos de posverdad? Análisis del término en siete diarios de calidad.,» ElProfesional de la Información , vol. 28, nº 3, pp. 1-12, 2019. [19]D. Peter, «Public Sphere Participation Online: the Ambiguities of Affect,» Dans Les Enjeux de l'information et de la communication , vol. 19, nº 1, pp. 5-20, 2019. [20]I. Schulze Schneider, «Los medios de comunicación en la Gran Guerra: Todo por la Patria,» Historia y Comunicación Social, vol. 18, nº 1, pp. 15-30, 2013. [21]E. Parisier, The Filter Bubble: What The Internet Is Hiding From, New York: Penguin, 2012. [22]TED, «www.ted.com,» TED, 1 March 2011. [En línea]. Available: https://www.ted.com/talks/eli_pariser_beware_online_filter_bubbles?language=es. [Último acceso: 25 January 2021]. [23]B.-C. Han, La sociedad de la transparencia, Barcelona: Herder, 2013. [24]J. A. O. y. Romero, «Desinformación: concepto y perspectivas,» Real Instituto Elcano, vol. 2019, nº 41, pp. 1-8, 2019. [25]M. Arias Maldonado, La democracia sentimental. politica y emociones del siglo XXI, Barcelona: Página Indómita, 2016. [26]S. Tesich, «A government of lies,» The Nation, p. Online, 6 January 1992. [27]d. Innerarity y C. Colomina, «La verdad en las democracias algorítmicas,» Revista CIDOB d'Afers Internacionals, vol. 2020, nº 124, pp. 11-23, 2020. [28]E. Herreras y M. García-Granero, «Sobre verdad, mentira y posverdad. Elementos para una filosofía de la información., » Bajo Palabra, vol. 2020, nº 24, pp. 157-176, 2020. [29]C. Iriarte, «La era de la inmediatez,» Milenio, p. online, 28 February 2017. [30]J. E. García-Guerrero, «Redes sociales e interés político, » Icono 14, vol. 17, nº 2, pp. 231-253, 2018. [31]A. M. Lorusso, «Between Truth, Legitimacy, and Legality in the Post truth,» International Journal Semiot law, vol. 2020, nº 33, pp. 1005-1017, 2020. [32]K. Amer y J. Noujaim, Dirección, The great hack. [Película]. EEUU: netflix, 2019. [33]R. Trejo, «Escepticismo democrático y medios en disputa en tiempos de la posverdad,» Revista de la asociación española de investigaci{on de la comunicación, vol. 4, nº 8, pp. 2-9, 2017. ; This paper shows, through the analysis of the literature and the most recent news, how through the use of neural algorithms and the application of strategies framed in what is called post-truth, certain political groups, mainly those who hold power in democracies with weak institutions, create a segmented reality that serves their interests and that in turn makes the task of exposing the factual facts more complicated.methodologies as long as appropriate teacher training and education processes are in place. Keywords: Post-truth, discrete reality, politics. References [1]P. Berger y T. Luckmann, Construcción social de la realidad, Buenos Aires: Amorrortu Editores, 2003. [2]F. B. Morales Romero y R. R. Martínez Martínez, «La posverdad: identidades colectivas que degeneran las democracias,» Anagramas Rumbos y Sentidos de la Comunicación, vol. 19, nº 37, pp. 111-126, 2020. [3]M. Barón Pulido, Á. Duque Soto, F. Mendoza Lozano y Q.P. Wilmer, «Redes sociales y relaciones digitales, una comunicación que supera el cara a cara,» Revista Internacional de Pedagogía en Innovación educativa, vol. 1, nº 1, pp. 123-148, 2020. [4]P. Iosifidis, «The battle to end fakenews: A qualitative content analysis of Facebook announcements on how it combats disinformation,» The International Communication Gazette, vol. 82, nº 1, pp. 60-81, 2020. [5]D. Kaufman y L. Santaella, «The role of artificial intelligence algorithms in the social web,» Revista Famecos- Midia, Cultura e Tecnologia, vol. 2020, nº Unique, pp. 20-26, 2020. [6]J. Habermas, Historía y crítica de la opinión pública, Barcelona: Gustavo Gili, 2002. [7]E. Noelle-Neumann, La espiral del silencio, Barcelona:Paidós, 2010. [8]D. Innerarity, Politica para perplejos, Barcelona: Galaxia Gutenberg, 2018. [9]I. Blanco Alfonso, «Posverdad, percepción de la realidad y opinión pública. Una aproximación desde la fenomenología, » Revista de Estudios Políticos, 187, vol. 2020, nº 187, pp. 167-186, 2020. [10]V. Bufacchi, «Truth, lies and tweets: A Consensus Theory of Post-Truth.,» Philosophy and Social Criticism, vol. 47, nº3, p. 347–361, 2021. [11]J. Ortega y Gasset, Meditaciones del Quijote, Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1969. [12]c. Belvedere, «El problema de la realidad en el marco de la influencia hispánica en la obra de Alfred Schutz,» Investigaciones Fenomenológicas, vol. 4, nº II, pp. 245-277, 2013. [13]A. Schutz, El problema de la realidad social, Buenos Aires: Amorrortu Editores, 1995. [14]Y. Hernández Romero y R. V. Galindo Sosa, «El concepto de intersubjetividad en Alfred Schutz,» espacios Públicos, vol. 10, nº 20, pp. 228-240, 2007. [15]L. Aguilar Villanueva, «Una reconstrucción del concepto de opinión pública,» Revista Mexicana de opinión pública, vol. 12, nº 23, pp. 125-148, 2017. [16]Wikipedia, «es.wikipedia.org,» Wikipedia, 27 March 2021. [En línea]. Available: https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gallup_(empresa). [Último acceso: 30 March 2021]. [17]W. Lippmann, La opinión público, Madrid: Cuadernos de Langre, 2003. [18]P. Capilla, «De qué hablamos cuando hablamos de posverdad? Análisis del término en siete diarios de calidad.,» ElProfesional de la Información , vol. 28, nº 3, pp. 1-12, 2019. [19]D. Peter, «Public Sphere Participation Online: the Ambiguities of Affect,» Dans Les Enjeux de l'information et de la communication , vol. 19, nº 1, pp. 5-20, 2019. [20]I. Schulze Schneider, «Los medios de comunicación en la Gran Guerra: Todo por la Patria,» Historia y Comunicación Social, vol. 18, nº 1, pp. 15-30, 2013. [21]E. Parisier, The Filter Bubble: What The Internet Is Hiding From, New York: Penguin, 2012. [22]TED, «www.ted.com,» TED, 1 March 2011. [En línea]. Available: https://www.ted.com/talks/eli_pariser_beware_online_filter_bubbles?language=es. [Último acceso: 25 January 2021]. [23]B.-C. Han, La sociedad de la transparencia, Barcelona: Herder, 2013. [24]J. A. O. y. Romero, «Desinformación: concepto y perspectivas,» Real Instituto Elcano, vol. 2019, nº 41, pp. 1-8, 2019. [25]M. Arias Maldonado, La democracia sentimental. politica y emociones del siglo XXI, Barcelona: Página Indómita, 2016. [26]S. Tesich, «A government of lies,» The Nation, p. Online, 6 January 1992. [27]d. Innerarity y C. Colomina, «La verdad en las democracias algorítmicas,» Revista CIDOB d'Afers Internacionals, vol. 2020, nº 124, pp. 11-23, 2020. [28]E. Herreras y M. García-Granero, «Sobre verdad, mentira y posverdad. Elementos para una filosofía de la información., » Bajo Palabra, vol. 2020, nº 24, pp. 157-176, 2020. [29]C. Iriarte, «La era de la inmediatez,» Milenio, p. online, 28 February 2017. [30]J. E. García-Guerrero, «Redes sociales e interés político, » Icono 14, vol. 17, nº 2, pp. 231-253, 2018. [31]A. M. Lorusso, «Between Truth, Legitimacy, and Legality in the Post truth,» International Journal Semiot law, vol. 2020, nº 33, pp. 1005-1017, 2020. [32]K. Amer y J. Noujaim, Dirección, The great hack. [Película]. EEUU: netflix, 2019. [33]R. Trejo, «Escepticismo democrático y medios en disputa en tiempos de la posverdad,» Revista de la asociación española de investigaci{on de la comunicación, vol. 4, nº 8, pp. 2-9, 2017.
Este documento preparado en el marco del Curso de Contexto en CT and S que se dicta en la U.N. Sede Manizales, para celebrar el equinoccio de primavera, y conmemorar los días de la Naturaleza, Forestal y del Agua, presenta cuatro escenarios que en Marzo de 2018, son noticia ambiental en Colombia: la majestuosa Sierra Nevada donde se amplía el área protegida, el páramo de Santurbán urgido de una delimitación responsable y concertada, la Fortuna en Barrancabermeja por el desastre ecológico asociado al derrame de un pozo petrolero, y el páramo de Sumapaz por ser objeto de reforestación con frailejones
This paper analyzes a set of environmental conditions that influence the development of Technology Based Enterprises (TBCs) in innovation-based and efficiency-based economies. The existing literature on this phenomenon is reviewed and data from the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM) is used. Exploratory factorial analysis is handled out with the application of the Varimax Orthogonal Rotation method. The study concludes that some of the factors identified are influential in certain economic environments for the consolidation of EBT's, particularly in innovative economies. Keywords: Entrepreneurship, technological base, efficient, innovative. URL:http://revistas.uta.edu.ec/erevista/index.php/bcoyu/article/view/883 DOI:http://dx.doi.org/10.31164/bcoyu.24.2020.883 References: Acs, Z. J., Audretsch, D. B., & Lehmann, E. E. (2013). The knowledge spillover theory of entrepreneurship. Small Business Economics, 41(4), 757-774. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11187-013-9505-9 Alarcón, M. 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Dimensiones que afectan a los emprendedores tecnológicos: El auge de las nuevas empresas de base tecnológica. 1-10. http://www.revistaespacios.com/a18v39n11/a18v39n11p16.pdf Vereinte Nationen (Ed.). (2018). Frontier technologies for sustainable development. United Nations. Vicens, L., & Grullon, S. (2011). Innovación y emprendimiento. Un modelo basado en el desarrollo del emprendedor. Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo, 1-31. https://publications.iadb.org/es/publicacion/15039/innovacion-y-emprendimiento-un-modelo-basado-en-el-desarrollo-del-emprendedor Xiao, L., & North, D. (2017). The graduation performance of technology business incubators in China's three tier cities: The role of incubator funding, technical support, and entrepreneurial mentoring. The Journal of Technology Transfer, 42(3), 615-634. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10961-016-9493-4 Zapata, G., López, S. F., Vivel, M., Neira, I., & Rodeiro, D. (2014). El emprendimiento de base tecnológica; características diferenciales. 2-21. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/284545728_El_emprendimiento_de_base_tecnologica_caracteristicas_diferenciales Zapata, Á. R. P., & Morales, L. I. R. (2016). Innovación y emprendimiento en América Latina Desafíos y oportunidades de la región para sumarse a la sociedad del conocimiento: México. 23. Zapata, G., Fernández, S., & Neira, I. (2018). El emprendimiento tecnológico en Suramérica: Una aproximación a sus determinantes individuales. Perfiles Latinoamericanos, 26(52), 1-20. https://doi.org/10.18504/pl2652-003-2018 Zea, M. P. C., Fonseca, M. P., Pérez, R. A., Bermeo, M. R., & Molina, X. C. (2016). Emprendimientos Informáticos: Una mirada desde la Universidad del Siglo XXI. Revista Didasc@ lia: Didáctica y Educación. ISSN 2224-2643, 7(3), 153–158. Zhang, H., & Sonobe, T. (2011). Business Incubators in China: An Inquiry into the Variables Associated with Incubatee Success. Economics: The Open-Access, Open-Assessment E-Journal, 5(2011-7), 1. https://doi.org/10.5018/economics-ejournal.ja.2011-7 ; El presente trabajo analiza un conjunto de condiciones del entorno que influyen en el desarrollo de Emprendimientos de Base Tecnológica (EBT) en economías basadas en innovación y en economías basadas en eficiencia. Se realiza una revisión de la literatura existente respecto a este fenómeno y se utilizan los datos del Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM). Se lleva a cabo análisis factorial exploratorio con la aplicación del método de Rotación Ortogonal Varimax. El estudio concluye que algunos de los factores identificados resultan influyentes en determinados entornos económicos para la consolidación de los EBT's, particularmente en las economías innovadoras. Palabras clave: Emprendimiento, base tecnológica, eficientes, innovadoras. URL:http://revistas.uta.edu.ec/erevista/index.php/bcoyu/article/view/883 DOI:http://dx.doi.org/10.31164/bcoyu.24.2020.883 Referencias: Acs, Z. J., Audretsch, D. B., & Lehmann, E. E. (2013). The knowledge spillover theory of entrepreneurship. Small Business Economics, 41(4), 757-774. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11187-013-9505-9 Alarcón, M. A., & Díaz, C. del C. (2016). La empresa de base tecnológica y su contribución a la economía mexicana en el periodo 2004-2009. Contaduría y Administración, 61(1), 106-126. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cya.2015.09.004 An, H. J., & Ahn, S. J. (2016). Emerging technologies—beyond the chasm: Assessing technological forecasting and its implication for innovation management in Korea. Technological Forecasting and Social Change, 102, 132-142. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.techfore.2015.06.015 Aportela, I. (2015). La información como recurso estratégico en las empresas de base tecnológica. 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European enlargement policy, technological capabilities and sectoral export dynamics. The Journal of Technology Transfer, 40(1), 25-69. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10961-013-9307-x Cunningham, J. A., Lehmann, E. E., Menter, M., & Seitz, N. (2019). The impact of university focused technology transfer policies on regional innovation and entrepreneurship. The Journal of Technology Transfer. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10961-019-09733-0 De los Ríos, S., Rodríguez, I., & Sáenz, R. (2015). Emprendedores y capital riesgo en España: El caso de Fond-ICO Global. Revista Icade. Revista de las Facultades de Derecho y Ciencias Económicas y Empresariales, 0(94), 31. https://doi.org/10.14422/icade.i94.y2015.002 Díaz, E., Souto, J., & Tejeiro, M. (2013). Nuevas empresas de base tecnológica. Netbiblo, S. L. https://www.madrimasd.org/uploads/informacionidi/biblioteca/publicacion/doc/Nebts3.pdf Etemad, H. (2016). Special Thematic Issue on: International Interactions and Activities of University-Based Technology Entrepreneurship. Journal of International Entrepreneurship, 14(3), 277-284. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10843-016-0189-5 García, A. M., García, M. G., & Olivares, A. (2018). Entrepreneurs' Resources, Technology Strategy, and New Technology-Based Firms' Performance. Journal of Small Business Management. https://doi.org/10.1111/jsbm.12411 Guercio, M., Martinez, L., & Vigier, H. (2017). Las limitaciones al financiamiento bancario de las Pymes de alta tecnología. Estudios Gerenciales, 33(142), 3-12. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.estger.2017.02.001 Gutiérrez Olvera, S. (2018). Emprendimiento en las empresas familiares / Entrepreneurship in family businesses. RICEA Revista Iberoamericana de Contaduría, Economía y Administración, 4(7), 163. https://doi.org/10.23913/ricea.v4i7.119 Harbi, S. E., & Anderson, A. R. (2010). Institutions and the shaping of different forms of entrepreneurship. The Journal of Socio-Economics, 39(3), 436-444. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socec.2010.02.011 Hernández, I., Álvarez, R., Blanco, C., & Carvajal, A. (2014). El ascenso de la "mano invisible": Análisis para el surgimiento de un mercado formal de financiación para empresas de base tecnológica (ebt) en Colombia. FACE: Revista de la Facultad de Ciencias Económicas y Empresariales, 13(1), 5–32. Huang, Y., Audretsch, D. B., & Hewitt, M. (2013). Chinese technology transfer policy: The case of the national independent innovation demonstration zone of East Lake. The Journal of Technology Transfer, 38(6), 828-835. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10961-012-9292-5 harbiKirwan, P., Sijde, P., & Groen, A. (2006). Assessing the needs of new technology based firms (NTBFs): An investigation among spin-off companies from six European Universities. International Entrepreneurship and Management Journal, 2(2), 173-187. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11365-006-8683-1 Kuratko, D. F., & Menter, M. (2017). The Role of Public Policy in Fostering Technology-Based Nascent Entrepreneurship. En J. A. Cunningham & C. O'Kane (Eds.), Technology-Based Nascent Entrepreneurship (pp. 19-52). Palgrave Macmillan US. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-59594-2_2 Larsen, M., Vigier, H. P., Guercio, M. B., & Briozzo, A. E. (2014). Financiamiento mediante obligaciones negociables. El problema de ser PyME. Visión de futuro, 18(2). http://visiondefuturo.fce.unam.edu.ar/index.php/visiondefuturo/article/viewFile/26/18 Lasso, S., Mainardes, E., & Motoki, F. (2017). Why do entrepreneurs open tech startups? A comparative study between Brazilian and foreign enterprises. International Entrepreneurship and Management Journal. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11365-017-0445-8 Lecluyse, L., Knockaert, M., & Spithoven, A. (2018). The contribution of science parks: A literature review and future research agenda. The Journal of Technology Transfer. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10961-018-09712-x Lima, R. (2016). Economic Growth and Human Capital in the Post-Knowledge Era: A Focus on Positive Externalities and Spillover Effects of Knowledge in Italy and the Emergency of the Less Developed Areas. Journal of Industrial Integration and Management, 01(03), 1650010. https://doi.org/10.1142/S242486221650010X Lloret, S., Ferreres, A., Hernández, A., & Tomás, I. (2014). El análisis factorial exploratorio de los ítems: Una guía práctica, revisada y actualizada. Anales de Psicología, 30(3), 1151-1169. https://doi.org/10.6018/analesps.30.3.199361 Löfsten, H. (2016). Business and innovation resources: Determinants for the survival of new technology-based firms. Management Decision, 54(1), 88-106. https://doi.org/10.1108/MD-04-2015-0139 Maculan, A.-M., Hernández, C. N. J., & Domínguez, O. F. C. (2015). Aprendizaje en el proceso de incubación de empresas de base tecnológica. Económicas CUC, 36(1), 9-26. http://dx.doi.org/10.17981/econcuc.36.1.2015.21 Malhotra, N. K. (2008). Investigación de mercados. Pearson Educación. McAdam, M., & Marlow, S. (2011). Sense and sensibility: The role of business incubator client advisors in assisting high-technology entrepreneurs to make sense of investment readiness status. Entrepreneurship & Regional Development, 23(7-8), 449-468. https://doi.org/10.1080/08985620903406749 Mian, S., Lamine, W., & Fayolle, A. (2016). Technology Business Incubation: An overview of the state of knowledge. Technovation, 50-51, 1-12. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.technovation.2016.02.005 Ramaciotti, L., Muscio, A., & Rizzo, U. (2017). The impact of hard and soft policy measures on new technology-based firms. Regional Studies, 51(4), 629-642. https://doi.org/10.1080/00343404.2016.1255319 Ramírez, M., & Fernández, M. (2018). Unravelling the effects of Science Parks on the innovation performance of NTBFs. The Journal of Technology Transfer, 43(2), 482-505. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10961-017-9559-y Sempere, F., & Hervás, J. L. (2014). Innovación tecnológica y no tecnológica: Efectos complementarios en la performance empresarial. Economía Industrial, 2014, 71-76. https://riunet.upv.es/handle/10251/51948 Shane, S. (2012). Reflections on the 2010 AMD Decade Award: Delivering on the Promise of Entrepreneurship As a Field of Research. Academy of Management Review, 37(1), 10-20. https://doi.org/10.5465/amr.2011.0078 Torrecilla, J. A., Skotnicka, A. G., & Tous, D. (2017a). Dimensiones que afectan a los emprendedores tecnológicos: El auge de las nuevas empresas de base tecnológica. 1-10. http://www.revistaespacios.com/a18v39n11/a18v39n11p16.pdf Vereinte Nationen (Ed.). (2018). Frontier technologies for sustainable development. United Nations. Vicens, L., & Grullon, S. (2011). Innovación y emprendimiento. Un modelo basado en el desarrollo del emprendedor. Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo, 1-31. https://publications.iadb.org/es/publicacion/15039/innovacion-y-emprendimiento-un-modelo-basado-en-el-desarrollo-del-emprendedor Xiao, L., & North, D. (2017). The graduation performance of technology business incubators in China's three tier cities: The role of incubator funding, technical support, and entrepreneurial mentoring. The Journal of Technology Transfer, 42(3), 615-634. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10961-016-9493-4 Zapata, G., López, S. F., Vivel, M., Neira, I., & Rodeiro, D. (2014). El emprendimiento de base tecnológica; características diferenciales. 2-21. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/284545728_El_emprendimiento_de_base_tecnologica_caracteristicas_diferenciales Zapata, Á. R. P., & Morales, L. I. R. (2016). Innovación y emprendimiento en América Latina Desafíos y oportunidades de la región para sumarse a la sociedad del conocimiento: México. 23. Zapata, G., Fernández, S., & Neira, I. (2018). El emprendimiento tecnológico en Suramérica: Una aproximación a sus determinantes individuales. Perfiles Latinoamericanos, 26(52), 1-20. https://doi.org/10.18504/pl2652-003-2018 Zea, M. P. C., Fonseca, M. P., Pérez, R. A., Bermeo, M. R., & Molina, X. C. (2016). Emprendimientos Informáticos: Una mirada desde la Universidad del Siglo XXI. Revista Didasc@ lia: Didáctica y Educación. ISSN 2224-2643, 7(3), 153–158. Zhang, H., & Sonobe, T. (2011). Business Incubators in China: An Inquiry into the Variables Associated with Incubatee Success. Economics: The Open-Access, Open-Assessment E-Journal, 5(2011-7), 1. https://doi.org/10.5018/economics-ejournal.ja.2011-7
Temario preparado para el "Plan de Acción Centenario SMP de Manizales: Un diálogo con el territorio" y llevado al capítulo "Temas cívicos para agendas de desarrollo regional", del libro "Sociedad de Mejoras Públicas de Manizales – 100 años de civilidad en la construcción de territorio", editado en 2012 por la SMP de Manizales bajo la dirección del Socio e Historiador Albeiro Valencia Llano. Este es un documento U.N. and SMP Manizales
partiendo del pensamiento de Henri Lefebvre, autor de "El derecho a la ciudad", veamos cómo podemos fortalecer los procesos de apropiación social de la ciudad con enfoque integrales, interdisciplinarios y transversales, para enfrentar desde la sociedad civil los desafíos socioambientales, si para el efecto partimos del presupuesto de que es en el territorio, como construcción social e histórica, donde surge la cultura como resultado de las complejas relaciones dialécticas que se dan en el hábitat, entre los sistemas natural y social que interactúan. Documento U.N-SMP, preparado para conversatorio con el Colectivo Subámonos al Bus del POT, en la SMP.
In my postgraduate formation during the last years of the 80's, we had close to thirty hospital beds in a pavilion called "sépticas" (1). In Colombia, where abortion was completely penalized, the pavilion was mostly filled with women with insecure, complicated abortions. The focus we received was technical: management of intensive care; performance of hysterectomies, colostomies, bowel resection, etc. In those times, some nurses were nuns and limited themselves to interrogating the patients to get them to "confess" what they had done to themselves in order to abort. It always disturbed me that the women who left alive, left without any advice or contraceptive method. Having asked a professor of mine, he responded with disdain: "This is a third level hospital, those things are done by nurses of the first level". Seeing so much pain and death, I decided to talk to patients, and I began to understand their decision. I still remember so many deaths with sadness, but one case in particular pains me: it was a woman close to being fifty who arrived with a uterine perforation in a state of advanced sepsis. Despite the surgery and the intensive care, she passed away. I had talked to her, and she told me she was a widow, had two adult kids and had aborted because of "embarrassment towards them" because they were going to find out that she had an active sexual life. A few days after her passing, the pathology professor called me, surprised, to tell me that the uterus we had sent for pathological examination showed no pregnancy. She was a woman in a perimenopausal state with a pregnancy exam that gave a false positive due to the high levels of FSH/LH typical of her age. SHE WAS NOT PREGNANT!!! She didn't have menstruation because she was premenopausal and a false positive led her to an unsafe abortion. Of course, the injuries caused in the attempted abortion caused the fatal conclusion, but the real underlying cause was the social taboo in respect to sexuality. I had to watch many adolescents and young women leave the hospital alive, but without a uterus, sometime without ovaries and with colostomies, to be looked down on by a society that blamed them for deciding to not be mothers. I had to see situation of women that arrived with their intestines protruding from their vaginas because of unsafe abortions. I saw women, who in their despair, self-inflicted injuries attempting to abort with elements such as stick, branches, onion wedges, alum bars and clothing hooks among others. Among so many deaths, it was hard not having at least one woman per day in the morgue due to an unsafe abortion. During those time, healthcare was not handled from the biopsychosocial, but only from the technical (2); nonetheless, in the academic evaluations that were performed, when asked about the definition of health, we had to recite the text from the International Organization of Health that included these three aspects. How contradictory! To give response to the health need of women and guarantee their right when I was already a professor, I began an obstetric contraceptive service in that third level hospital. There was resistance from the directors, but fortunately I was able to acquire international donations for the institution, which facilitated its acceptance. I decided to undertake a teaching career with the hope of being able to sensitize health professionals towards an integral focus of health and illness. When the International Conference of Population and Development (ICPD) was held in Cairo in 1994, I had already spent various years in teaching, and when I read their Action Program, I found a name for what I was working on: Sexual and Reproductive Rights. I began to incorporate the tools given by this document into my professional and teaching life. I was able to sensitize people at my countries Health Ministry, and we worked together moving it to an approach of human rights in areas of sexual and reproductive health (SRH). This new viewpoint, in addition to being integral, sought to give answers to old problems like maternal mortality, adolescent pregnancy, low contraceptive prevalence, unplanned or unwanted pregnancy or violence against women. With other sensitized people, we began with these SRH issues to permeate the Colombian Society of Obstetrics and Gynecology, some universities, and university hospitals. We are still fighting in a country that despite many difficulties has improved its indicators of SRH. With the experience of having labored in all sphere of these topics, we manage to create, with a handful of colleagues and friend at the Universidad El Bosque, a Master's Program in Sexual and Reproductive Health, open to all professions, in which we broke several paradigms. A program was initiated in which the qualitative and quantitative investigation had the same weight, and some alumni of the program are now in positions of leadership in governmental and international institutions, replicating integral models. In the Latin American Federation of Obstetrics and Gynecology (FLASOG, English acronym) and in the International Federation of Obstetrics and Gynecology (FIGO), I was able to apply my experience for many years in the SRH committees of these association to benefit women and girls in the regional and global environments. When I think of who has inspired me in these fights, I should highlight the great feminist who have taught me and been with me in so many fights. I cannot mention them all, but I have admired the story of the life of Margaret Sanger with her persistence and visionary outlook. She fought throughout her whole life to help the women of the 20th century to be able to obtain the right to decide when and whether or not they wanted to have children (3). Of current feminist, I have had the privilege of sharing experiences with Carmen Barroso, Giselle Carino, Debora Diniz and Alejandra Meglioli, leaders of the International Planned Parenthood Federation – Western Hemisphere Region (IPPF-RHO). From my country, I want to mention my countrywoman Florence Thomas, psychologist, columnist, writer and Colombo-French feminist. She is one of the most influential and important voices in the movement for women rights in Colombia and the region. She arrived from France in the 1960's, in the years of counterculture, the Beatles, hippies, Simone de Beauvoir, and Jean-Paul Sartre, a time in which capitalism and consumer culture began to be criticized (4). It was then when they began to talk about the female body, female sexuality and when the contraceptive pill arrived like a total revolution for women. Upon its arrival in 1967, she experimented a shock because she had just assisted in a revolution and only found a country of mothers, not women (5). That was the only destiny for a woman, to be quiet and submissive. Then she realized that this could not continue, speaking of "revolutionary vanguards" in such a patriarchal environment. In 1986 with the North American and European feminism waves and with her academic team, they created the group "Mujer y Sociedad de la Universidad Nacional de Colombia", incubator of great initiatives and achievements for the country (6). She has led great changes with her courage, the strength of her arguments, and a simultaneously passionate and agreeable discourse. Among her multiple books, I highlight "Conversaciones con Violeta" (7), motivated by the disdain towards feminism of some young women. She writes it as a dialogue with an imaginary daughter in which, in an intimate manner, she reconstructs the history of women throughout the centuries and gives new light of the fundamental role of feminism in the life of modern women. Another book that shows her bravery is "Había que decirlo" (8), in which she narrates the experience of her own abortion at age twenty-two in sixty's France. My work experience in the IPPF-RHO has allowed me to meet leaders of all ages in diverse countries of the region, who with great mysticism and dedication, voluntarily, work to achieve a more equal and just society. I have been particularly impressed by the appropriation of the concept of sexual and reproductive rights by young people, and this has given me great hope for the future of the planet. We continue to have an incomplete agenda of the action plan of the ICPD of Cairo but seeing how the youth bravely confront the challenges motivates me to continue ahead and give my years of experience in an intergenerational work. In their policies and programs, the IPPF-RHO evidences great commitment for the rights and the SRH of adolescent, that are consistent with what the organization promotes, for example, 20% of the places for decision making are in hands of the young. Member organizations, that base their labor on volunteers, are true incubators of youth that will make that unassailable and necessary change of generations. In contrast to what many of us experienced, working in this complicated agenda of sexual and reproductive health without theoretical bases, today we see committed people with a solid formation to replace us. In the college of medicine at the Universidad Nacional de Colombia and the College of Nursing at the Universidad El Bosque, the new generations are more motivated and empowered, with great desire to change the strict underlying structures. Our great worry is the onslaught of the ultra-right, a lot of times better organized than us who do support rights, that supports anti-rights group and are truly pro-life (9). Faced with this scenario, we should organize ourselves better, giving battle to guarantee the rights of women in the local, regional, and global level, aggregating the efforts of all pro-right organizations. We are now committed to the Objectives of Sustainable Development (10), understood as those that satisfy the necessities of the current generation without jeopardizing the capacity of future generations to satisfy their own necessities. This new agenda is based on: - The unfinished work of the Millennium Development Goals - Pending commitments (international environmental conventions) - The emergent topics of the three dimensions of sustainable development: social, economic, and environmental. We now have 17 objectives of sustainable development and 169 goals (11). These goals mention "universal access to reproductive health" many times. In objective 3 of this list is included guaranteeing, before the year 2030, "universal access to sexual and reproductive health services, including those of family planning, information, and education." Likewise, objective 5, "obtain gender equality and empower all women and girls", establishes the goal of "assuring the universal access to sexual and reproductive health and reproductive rights in conformity with the action program of the International Conference on Population and Development, the Action Platform of Beijing". It cannot be forgotten that the term universal access to sexual and reproductive health includes universal access to abortion and contraception. Currently, 830 women die every day through preventable maternal causes; of these deaths, 99% occur in developing countries, more than half in fragile environments and in humanitarian contexts (12). 216 million women cannot access modern contraception methods and the majority live in the nine poorest countries in the world and in a cultural environment proper to the decades of the seventies (13). This number only includes women from 15 to 49 years in any marital state, that is to say, the number that takes all women into account is much greater. Achieving the proposed objectives would entail preventing 67 million unwanted pregnancies and reducing maternal deaths by two thirds. We currently have a high, unsatisfied demand for modern contraceptives, with extremely low use of reversible, long term methods (intrauterine devices and subdermal implants) which are the most effect ones with best adherence (14). There is not a single objective among the 17 Objectives of Sustainable Development where contraception does not have a prominent role: from the first one that refers to ending poverty, going through the fifth one about gender equality, the tenth of inequality reduction among countries and within the same country, until the sixteenth related with peace and justice. If we want to change the world, we should procure universal access to contraception without myths or barriers. We have the moral obligation of achieving the irradiation of extreme poverty and advancing the construction of more equal, just, and happy societies. In emergency contraception (EC), we are very far from reaching expectations. If in reversible, long-term methods we have low prevalence, in EC the situation gets worse. Not all faculties in the region look at this topic, and where it is looked at, there is no homogeneity in content, not even within the same country. There are still myths about their real action mechanisms. There are countries, like Honduras, where it is prohibited and there is no specific medicine, the same case as in Haiti. Where it is available, access is dismal, particularly among girls, adolescents, youth, migrants, afro-descendent, and indigenous. The multiple barriers for the effective use of emergency contraceptives must be knocked down, and to work toward that we have to destroy myths and erroneous perceptions, taboos and cultural norms; achieve changes in laws and restrictive rules within countries, achieve access without barriers to the EC; work in union with other sectors; train health personnel and the community. It is necessary to transform the attitude of health personal to a service above personal opinion. Reflecting on what has occurred after the ICPD in Cairo, their Action Program changed how we look at the dynamics of population from an emphasis on demographics to a focus on the people and human rights. The governments agreed that, in this new focus, success was the empowerment of women and the possibility of choice through expanded access to education, health, services, and employment among others. Nonetheless, there have been unequal advances and inequality persists in our region, all the goals were not met, the sexual and reproductive goals continue beyond the reach of many women (15). There is a long road ahead until women and girls of the world can claim their rights and liberty of deciding. Globally, maternal deaths have been reduced, there is more qualified assistance of births, more contraception prevalence, integral sexuality education, and access to SRH services for adolescents are now recognized rights with great advances, and additionally there have been concrete gains in terms of more favorable legal frameworks, particularly in our region; nonetheless, although it's true that the access condition have improved, the restrictive laws of the region expose the most vulnerable women to insecure abortions. There are great challenges for governments to recognize SRH and the DSR as integral parts of health systems, there is an ample agenda against women. In that sense, access to SRH is threatened and oppressed, it requires multi-sector mobilization and litigation strategies, investigation and support for the support of women's rights as a multi-sector agenda. Looking forward, we must make an effort to work more with youth to advance not only the Action Program of the ICPD, but also all social movements. They are one of the most vulnerable groups, and the biggest catalyzers for change. The young population still faces many challenges, especially women and girls; young girls are in particularly high risk due to lack of friendly and confidential services related with sexual and reproductive health, gender violence, and lack of access to services. In addition, access to abortion must be improved; it is the responsibility of states to guarantee the quality and security of this access. In our region there still exist countries with completely restrictive frameworks. New technologies facilitate self-care (16), which will allow expansion of universal access, but governments cannot detach themselves from their responsibility. Self-care is expanding in the world and can be strategic for reaching the most vulnerable populations. There are new challenges for the same problems, that require a re-interpretation of the measures necessary to guaranty the DSR of all people, in particular women, girls, and in general, marginalized and vulnerable populations. It is necessary to take into account migrations, climate change, the impact of digital media, the resurgence of hate discourse, oppression, violence, xenophobia, homo/transphobia, and other emergent problems, as SRH should be seen within a framework of justice, not isolated. We should demand accountability of the 179 governments that participate in the ICPD 25 years ago and the 193 countries that signed the Sustainable Development Objectives. They should reaffirm their commitments and expand their agenda to topics not considered at that time. Our region has given the world an example with the Agreement of Montevideo, that becomes a blueprint for achieving the action plan of the CIPD and we should not allow retreat. This agreement puts people at the center, especially women, and includes the topic of abortion, inviting the state to consider the possibility of legalizing it, which opens the doors for all governments of the world to recognize that women have the right to choose on maternity. This agreement is much more inclusive: Considering that the gaps in health continue to abound in the region and the average statistics hide the high levels of maternal mortality, of sexually transmitted diseases, of infection by HIV/AIDS, and the unsatisfied demand for contraception in the population that lives in poverty and rural areas, among indigenous communities, and afro-descendants and groups in conditions of vulnerability like women, adolescents and incapacitated people, it is agreed: 33- To promote, protect, and guarantee the health and the sexual and reproductive rights that contribute to the complete fulfillment of people and social justice in a society free of any form of discrimination and violence. 37- Guarantee universal access to quality sexual and reproductive health services, taking into consideration the specific needs of men and women, adolescents and young, LGBT people, older people and people with incapacity, paying particular attention to people in a condition of vulnerability and people who live in rural and remote zone, promoting citizen participation in the completing of these commitments. 42- To guarantee, in cases in which abortion is legal or decriminalized in the national legislation, the existence of safe and quality abortion for non-desired or non-accepted pregnancies and instigate the other States to consider the possibility of modifying public laws, norms, strategies, and public policy on the voluntary interruption of pregnancy to save the life and health of pregnant adolescent women, improving their quality of life and decreasing the number of abortions (17).
En mi formación de posgrado a finales de los años ochenta, teníamos cerca de treinta camas hospitalarias en un pabellón llamado "sépticas" (1). En Colombia, donde el aborto estaba totalmente penalizado, allí estaban mayoritariamente mujeres con abortos inseguros complicados. El enfoque que recibíamos era técnico: manejo de cuidados intensivos; realizar histerectomías, colostomías, resecciones intestinales, etc. En esa época algunas enfermeras eran monjas, y se limitaban a interrogar a las pacientes para que "confesaran" qué se habían hecho para abortar. Siempre me inquietó que las mujeres que salían vivas se iban sin ninguna asesoría, ni con un método anticonceptivo. Al preguntar alguna vez a uno de mis docentes me contestó con desdén: "este es un hospital de tercer nivel, esas cosas las hacen las enfermeras en primer nivel". Al ver tanto dolor y muerte, decidí hablar con las pacientes del servicio y empecé a entender sus decisiones. Recuerdo aún con tristeza tantas muertes, pero un caso en particular aún me duele: era una mujer cercana a los cincuenta años que llegó con una perforación uterina en estado de sepsis avanzada. A pesar de la cirugía y los cuidados intensivos, falleció. Alcancé a hablar con ella y me contó que era viuda, tenía dos hijos mayores y había abortado por "vergüenza con ellos", pues se iban a dar cuenta de que tenía vida sexual activa. A los pocos días de su fallecimiento, me llamó el profesor de patología, extrañado, para decirme que el útero que habíamos enviado para examen patológico no tenía embarazo. Era una mujer en estado perimenopáusico con una prueba de embarazo falsamente positiva, debido a los altos niveles de FSH/LH típicos de su edad. ¡¡¡NO ESTABA EMBARAZADA!!! No tenía menstruación porque estaba en premenopausia y una prueba falsamente positiva la llevó a un aborto inseguro. Claro, las lesiones causadas en las maniobras abortivas la llevaron al desenlace fatal, pero la real causa subyacente fue el tabú social respecto a la sexualidad. Tuve que ver muchas adolescentes y mujeres jóvenes salir del hospital vivas, pero sin útero, a veces sin ovarios y con colostomías, para ser despreciadas por una sociedad que les recriminaba el haber decidido no ser madres. Tuve que ver situaciones de mujeres que llegaban con sus intestinos protruyendo a través de sus vaginas por abortos inseguros. Vi mujeres que en su desespero se autoinfligieron lesiones tratando de abortar con elementos como palos, ramas, gajos de cebolla, barras de alumbre, ganchos, entre otros. Eran tantas las muertes que era difícil no tener por lo menos una mujer diariamente en la morgue a consecuencia de un aborto inseguro. En esa época no se abordaba la salud desde lo biopsicosocial sino solamente desde lo técnico (2); sin embargo, en las evaluaciones académicas que nos hacían, ante la pregunta de definición de salud, había que recitar el texto de la Organización Mundial de la Salud que involucraba estos tres aspectos, ¡qué contrasentido! Para dar respuesta a las necesidades de salud de las mujeres y garantizar sus derechos, cuando ya era docente, inicié el servicio de anticoncepción posevento obstétrico en ese hospital de tercer nivel. Hubo resistencia de las directivas, pero afortunadamente logré donaciones internacionales para la institución y esto facilitó su aceptación. Decidí concursar para carrera docente con el ánimo de poder sensibilizar a profesionales de la salud hacia un enfoque integral de la salud y la enfermedad. Cuando en 1994 se realizó la Conferencia Internacional de Población y Desarrollo (CIPD) en El Cairo ya llevaba varios años en la docencia, y cuando leí su Programa de Acción, encontré nombre para lo que estaba trabajando: derechos sexuales y derechos reproductivos. Empecé a incorporar en mi vida profesional y docente las herramientas que este documento me daba. Pude sensibilizar personas del Ministerio de Salud de mi país y trabajamos en conjunto recorriéndolo con un abordaje de derechos humanos en materia de salud sexual y reproductiva (SSR). Esta nueva mirada buscaba además de ser integral, dar respuesta a viejos problemas como la mortalidad materna, el embarazo en la adolescencia, la baja prevalencia anticonceptiva, el embarazo no planeado o no deseado o la violencia contra la mujer. Con otras personas sensibilizadas empezamos a permear con estos temas de SSR la Sociedad Colombiana de Obstetricia y Ginecología, algunas universidades y hospitales universitarios. Todavía seguimos dando la lucha en un país que a pesar de tantas dificultades ha mejorado muchos indicadores de SSR. Con la experiencia de haber trajinado en todas las esferas con estos temas, logramos con un puñado de colegas y amigas de la Universidad El Bosque crear la Maestría en Salud Sexual y Reproductiva, abierta a todas las profesiones, en la que rompimos varios paradigmas. Se inició un programa en el que la investigación cualitativa y cuantitativa tenían el mismo peso y algunos de los egresados del programa están ahora en posiciones de liderazgo en los entes gubernamentales e internacionales replicando modelos integrales. En la Federación Latinoamericana de Obstetricia y Ginecología (FLASOG) y en la Federación Internacional de Obstetricia y Ginecología (FIGO), pude por varios años aportar mi experiencia en los comités de SSR de esas asociaciones para beneficio de las mujeres y las niñas en los ámbitos regional y global. Cuando pienso en quienes me han inspirado en esta lucha, debo resaltar las grandes feministas que me han enseñado y acompañado en tantas batallas. No puedo mencionarlas a todas, pero he admirado la historia de vida de Margaret Sanger con su persistencia y mirada visionaria. Ella luchó durante toda su vida para ayudar a las mujeres del siglo XX para que obtuvieran el derecho a decidir si querían o no tener hijos o hijas y cuándo (3). De las feministas actuales he tenido el privilegio de compartir experiencias con Carmen Barroso, Giselle Carino, Debora Diniz y Alejandra Meglioli, lideresas de la Federación Internacional de Planificación de la Familia, Región del Hemisferio Occidental (IPPF-RHO, por su nombre en inglés). De mi país quiero resaltar a mi compatriota Florence Thomas, psicóloga, columnista, escritora y activista feminista colombo-francesa. Es una de las voces más influyentes e importantes del movimiento por los derechos de la mujer en Colombia y en la región. Arribó procedente de Francia en la década de 1960, en los años de la contracultura, los Beatles, los hippies, Simone de Beauvoir y Jean-Paul Sartre, época en la que se empezó a criticar el capitalismo y la cultura del consumo (4). Fue entonces cuando se comenzó a hablar del cuerpo femenino, la sexualidad femenina y cuando llegó la píldora anticonceptiva como una revolución total para las mujeres. A su llegada en 1967, ella experimentó un choque porque acababa de asistir a toda una revolución y solo encontró un país de madres, no de mujeres (5). Ese era el único destino de una mujer, ser callada y sumisa. Entonces se dio cuenta de que no se podía seguir así, hablando de "vanguardias revolucionarias" en un ambiente tan patriarcal. En 1986 con las olas del feminismo norteamericano y europeo, y con su equipo académico crearon el grupo Mujer y Sociedad de la Universidad Nacional de Colombia, semillero de grandes iniciativas y logros para el país (6). Ella ha liderado grandes cambios con su valentía, la fuerza de sus argumentos, y un discurso apasionado y agradable a la vez. Dentro de sus múltiples libros resalto Conversaciones con Violeta (7), motivado por el desdén hacia el feminismo de algunas mujeres jóvenes. Lo escribe a manera de diálogo con una hija imaginaria en el que, de una manera íntima, reconstruye la historia de las mujeres a través de los siglos y da nuevas luces sobre el papel fundamental del feminismo en la vida de la mujer moderna. Otro libro muestra de su valentía es Había que decirlo (8), en el que narra la experiencia de su propio aborto a sus 22 años en la Francia de los años sesenta. Mi experiencia de trabajo en la IPPF-RHO me ha permitido conocer líderes y lideresas de todas las edades en diversos países de la región, quienes con gran mística y dedicación, de manera voluntaria, trabajan por lograr una sociedad más equitativa y justa. Particularmente me ha impresionado la apropiación del concepto de derechos sexuales y reproductivos por parte de las personas más jóvenes, y esto me ha dado gran esperanza en el futuro del planeta. Seguimos con una agenda incompleta del Plan de acción de la CIPD de El Cairo, pero ver cómo la juventud enfrenta con valentía los retos, me motiva a seguir adelante y aportar mis años de experiencia en un trabajo intergeneracional. La IPPF-RHO evidencia un gran compromiso por los derechos y la SSR de adolescentes en sus políticas y programas, que son consistentes con lo que la Organización promueve; por ejemplo, el 20% de los puestos de toma de decisión están en manos de jóvenes. Las organizaciones miembros, que basan su labor en el voluntariado, son verdaderas incubadoras de jóvenes que harán ese recambio generacional inexpugnable y necesario. A diferencia de lo que nos tocó a muchos de nosotros, trabajar en esta complicada agenda de salud sexual y reproductiva sin bases teóricas, hoy vemos personas comprometidas y con una sólida formación para reemplazarnos. En la Facultad de Medicina de la Universidad Nacional de Colombia y en la Facultad de Enfermería de la Universidad El Bosque, las nuevas generaciones están más motivadas y empoderadas, con grandes deseos de cambiar las rígidas estructuras subyacentes. Nuestra gran preocupación son los embates de ultraderecha que soportan grupos antiderechos, muchas veces mejor organizados que nosotros, que sí apoyamos los derechos y somos verdaderos provida (9). Ante este escenario, debemos organizarnos mejor y seguir dando batallas para garantizar los derechos de las mujeres en el ámbito local, regional y global, aunando esfuerzos de todas las organizaciones proderechos. Estamos ahora comprometidos con los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible (10), entendidos como aquellos que satisfacen las necesidades de la generación presente sin comprometer la capacidad de las generaciones futuras para satisfacer sus propias necesidades. Esta nueva agenda se basa en: - El trabajo no finalizado de los Objetivos de Desarrollo del Milenio - Los compromisos pendientes (convenciones ambientales internacionales) - Los temas emergentes en las tres dimensiones del desarrollo sostenible: social, económica y ambiental. Tenemos ahora 17 Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible y 169 metas (11). Entre estos objetivos se menciona en varias ocasiones el "acceso universal a la salud reproductiva". En el Objetivo 3 de esa lista se incluye garantizar, de aquí al año 2030, "el acceso universal a los servicios de salud sexual y reproductiva, incluidos los de planificación familiar, información y educación". De igual manera, el Objetivo 5, "Lograr la igualdad de género y empoderar a todas las mujeres y las niñas", establece que se deberá "asegurar el acceso universal a la salud sexual y reproductiva y los derechos reproductivos según lo acordado de conformidad con el Programa de Acción de la Conferencia Internacional sobre la Población y el Desarrollo, la Plataforma de Acción de Beijing". No se puede olvidar que el término acceso universal a la salud sexual y reproductiva incluye el acceso universal al aborto y la anticoncepción. Actualmente 830 mujeres mueren cada día por causas maternas prevenibles; de estos decesos, el 99% ocurre en países en desarrollo, más de la mitad en entornos frágiles y en contextos humanitarios (12). 216 millones de mujeres no pueden acceder a métodos de anticoncepción moderna y la mayoría vive en los nueve países más pobres del mundo y en un ambiente cultural propio de la década de los sesenta (13). Este número solo incluye las mujeres de 15 a 49 años en cualquier tipo de unión, es decir el número total es mucho mayor. Cumplir con los objetivos marcados supondría prevenir 67 millones de embarazos no deseados y reducir a un tercio las muertes maternas. Actualmente tenemos una alta demanda insatisfecha de anticoncepción moderna, con un bajísimo uso de los métodos de larga duración reversible (dispositivos intrauterinos e implantes subdérmicos) que son los más efectivos y de mayor adherencia (14). No hay uno solo de los 17 Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible donde la anticoncepción no tenga un papel preponderante: desde el primero que se refiere al fin de la pobreza, pasando por el quinto de igualdad de género, el décimo de reducción de la desigualdad, entre los países y en el mismo país, hasta el decimosexto relacionado con paz y justicia. Si queremos cambiar el mundo, debemos procurar acceso universal a la anticoncepción sin mitos ni barreras. Tenemos la obligación moral de lograr la erradicación de la pobreza extrema y avanzar en la construcción de sociedades más igualitarias, justas y felices. En anticoncepción de urgencia (AU), estamos muy lejos de alcanzar lo que esperamos. Si en métodos de larga duración reversible tenemos una baja prevalencia, en la AU la situación empeora. No en todas las facultades de medicina de la región se aborda este tema, y donde sí se hace, no hay homogeneidad de contenidos, ni siquiera dentro del mismo país. Hay aún mitos sobre su verdadero mecanismo de acción. Hay países como Honduras donde está prohibida y no hay un medicamento dedicado, como tampoco lo hay en Haití. Donde está disponible el acceso es ínfimo, particularmente entre las niñas, adolescentes, jóvenes, migrantes, afrodescendientes e indígenas. Hay que derrumbar las múltiples barreras para el uso eficaz de la anticoncepción de emergencia, y para eso necesitamos trabajar en romper mitos y percepciones erróneas, tabúes y normas culturales; lograr cambios en las leyes y normas restrictivas de los países; lograr acceso sin barreras a la AU; trabajar intersectorialmente; capacitar al personal de salud y la comunidad. Es necesario transformar la actitud del personal de salud en una de servicio por encima de sus propias opiniones. Reflexionando acerca de lo que ha pasado después de la CIPD realizada en El Cairo, su Programa de Acción cambió cómo miramos las dinámicas de población de un énfasis en la demografía a un enfoque en los derechos humanos y las personas. Los gobiernos acordaron que, en este nuevo enfoque, el éxito era el empoderamiento de las mujeres y la posibilidad de elegir a través de expandir el acceso a la educación, la salud, los servicios y el empleo, entre otros. Sin embargo, ha habido avances desiguales y persiste la inequidad en nuestra región, no se cumplieron todas las metas, los derechos sexuales y reproductivos continúan fuera del alcance de muchas mujeres (15). Aún queda un largo camino para recorrer, hasta que mujeres y niñas del mundo puedan reclamar sus derechos y la libertad de decidir. Globalmente la mortalidad materna se ha reducido, hay mayor asistencia calificada del parto, mayor prevalencia anticonceptiva, la educación integral en sexualidad y el acceso a servicios de SSR para adolescentes ya son derechos reconocidos y con grandes avances, además ha habido ganancias concretas en materia de marcos legales más favorables en particular en nuestra región; sin embargo, si bien las condiciones de acceso han mejorado, las legislaciones restrictivas de la región exponen a las mujeres más vulnerables a abortos inseguros. Hay aún grandes desafíos para que los gobiernos reconozcan la SSR y los DSR como parte integral de los sistemas de salud, existe una amplia agenda contra las mujeres. En ese sentido, el acceso a SSR está bajo amenaza y opresión, se requiere movilización intersectorial y litigios estratégicos, investigación y apoyo a los derechos de las mujeres como agenda intersectorial. Hacia adelante hay que esforzarnos más en el trabajo con jóvenes, para avanzar no solo en el Programa de Acción de la CIPD, sino en todos los movimientos sociales. Son uno de los grupos más vulnerables, y de los mayores catalizadores para el cambio. La población joven aún enfrentan muchos desafíos, especialmente las mujeres y niñas; las jóvenes están especialmente en alto riesgo debido a la falta de servicios y salud sexual y reproductiva amigables y confidenciales, la presencia de violencia basada en género y la falta de acceso a los servicios. Además hay que mejorar el acceso al aborto; es responsabilidad de los estados garantizar la calidad y seguridad en el acceso. Aún en nuestra región existen países con marcos totalmente restrictivos. Las nuevas tecnologías facilitan el autocuidado (16), lo que permitirá ampliar el acceso universal, pero los gobiernos no pueden desvincularse de su responsabilidad. El autocuidado se está expandiendo en el mundo y puede ser estratégico para llegar a las poblaciones más vulnerables. Hay nuevos desafíos para los mismos problemas, que requieren una reinterpretación de las medidas necesarias para garantizar los DSR de todas las personas, en particular mujeres, niñas y en general las poblaciones marginadas y vulnerables. Es necesario tener en cuenta aspectos como las migraciones, el cambio climático, el impacto de medios digitales, el resurgimiento de discursos de odio, la opresión, la violencia, la xenofobia, la homo/transfobia y otros problemas emergentes, pues la SSR debe verse en un marco de justicia, y no aislado. Debemos exigir rendición de cuentas a los 179 gobiernos que participaron en la CIPD hace 25 años y a los 193 países que firmaron los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible. Deben reafirmarse en sus compromisos y expandir la agenda a los temas no considerados en ese momento. Nuestra región ha dado ejemplo al mundo con el Consenso de Montevideo, que se convierte en una hoja de ruta para el cumplimiento del plan de acción de la CIPD y no debe permitirnos retroceder. Este Consenso pone en el centro a las personas, en especial a las mujeres, e incluye el tema de aborto invitando a los estados a que consideren la posibilidad de legalizarlo, lo que abre la puerta para que los gobiernos de todo el mundo reconozcan que las mujeres tienen el derecho a decidir sobre la maternidad. Este Consenso es mucho más inclusivo: Considerando que las brechas en salud continúan sobresalientes en la región y las estadísticas promedio suelen ocultar los altos niveles de mortalidad materna, de infecciones de transmisión sexual, de infección por VIH/SIDA y de demanda insatisfecha de anticoncepción entre la población que vive en la pobreza y en áreas rurales, entre los pueblos indígenas y las personas afrodescendientes y grupos en condición de vulnerabilidad como mujeres, adolescentes y jóvenes y personas con discapacidad, acuerdan: 33-Promover, proteger y garantizar la salud y los derechos sexuales y los derechos reproductivos para contribuir a la plena realización de las personas y a la justicia social en una sociedad libre de toda forma de discriminación y violencia. 37-Garantizar el acceso universal a servicios de salud sexual y salud reproductiva de calidad, tomando en consideración las necesidades específicas de hombres y mujeres, adolescentes y jóvenes, personas LGBT, personas mayores y personas con discapacidad, prestando particular atención a personas en condición de vulnerabilidad y personas que viven en zonas rurales y remotas y promoviendo la participación ciudadana en el seguimiento de los compromisos. 42-Asegurar, en los casos en que el aborto es legal o está despenalizado en la legislación nacional, la existencia de servicios de aborto seguros y de calidad para las mujeres que cursan embarazos no deseados y no aceptados e instar a los demás Estados a considerar la posibilidad de modificar las leyes, normativas, estrategias y políticas públicas sobre la interrupción voluntaria del embarazo para salvaguardar la vida y la salud de mujeres adolescentes, mejorando su calidad de vida y disminuyendo el número de abortos (17). ; In my postgraduate formation during the last years of the 80's, we had close to thirty hospital beds in a pavilion called "sépticas" (1). In Colombia, where abortion was completely penalized, the pavilion was mostly filled with women with insecure, complicated abortions. The focus we received was technical: management of intensive care; performance of hysterectomies, colostomies, bowel resection, etc. In those times, some nurses were nuns and limited themselves to interrogating the patients to get them to "confess" what they had done to themselves in order to abort. It always disturbed me that the women who left alive, left without any advice or contraceptive method. Having asked a professor of mine, he responded with disdain: "This is a third level hospital, those things are done by nurses of the first level". Seeing so much pain and death, I decided to talk to patients, and I began to understand their decision. I still remember so many deaths with sadness, but one case in particular pains me: it was a woman close to being fifty who arrived with a uterine perforation in a state of advanced sepsis. Despite the surgery and the intensive care, she passed away. I had talked to her, and she told me she was a widow, had two adult kids and had aborted because of "embarrassment towards them" because they were going to find out that she had an active sexual life. A few days after her passing, the pathology professor called me, surprised, to tell me that the uterus we had sent for pathological examination showed no pregnancy. She was a woman in a perimenopausal state with a pregnancy exam that gave a false positive due to the high levels of FSH/LH typical of her age. SHE WAS NOT PREGNANT!!! She didn't have menstruation because she was premenopausal and a false positive led her to an unsafe abortion. Of course, the injuries caused in the attempted abortion caused the fatal conclusion, but the real underlying cause was the social taboo in respect to sexuality. I had to watch many adolescents and young women leave the hospital alive, but without a uterus, sometime without ovaries and with colostomies, to be looked down on by a society that blamed them for deciding to not be mothers. I had to see situation of women that arrived with their intestines protruding from their vaginas because of unsafe abortions. I saw women, who in their despair, self-inflicted injuries attempting to abort with elements such as stick, branches, onion wedges, alum bars and clothing hooks among others. Among so many deaths, it was hard not having at least one woman per day in the morgue due to an unsafe abortion. During those time, healthcare was not handled from the biopsychosocial, but only from the technical (2); nonetheless, in the academic evaluations that were performed, when asked about the definition of health, we had to recite the text from the International Organization of Health that included these three aspects. How contradictory! To give response to the health need of women and guarantee their right when I was already a professor, I began an obstetric contraceptive service in that third level hospital. There was resistance from the directors, but fortunately I was able to acquire international donations for the institution, which facilitated its acceptance. I decided to undertake a teaching career with the hope of being able to sensitize health professionals towards an integral focus of health and illness. When the International Conference of Population and Development (ICPD) was held in Cairo in 1994, I had already spent various years in teaching, and when I read their Action Program, I found a name for what I was working on: Sexual and Reproductive Rights. I began to incorporate the tools given by this document into my professional and teaching life. I was able to sensitize people at my countries Health Ministry, and we worked together moving it to an approach of human rights in areas of sexual and reproductive health (SRH). This new viewpoint, in addition to being integral, sought to give answers to old problems like maternal mortality, adolescent pregnancy, low contraceptive prevalence, unplanned or unwanted pregnancy or violence against women. With other sensitized people, we began with these SRH issues to permeate the Colombian Society of Obstetrics and Gynecology, some universities, and university hospitals. We are still fighting in a country that despite many difficulties has improved its indicators of SRH. With the experience of having labored in all sphere of these topics, we manage to create, with a handful of colleagues and friend at the Universidad El Bosque, a Master's Program in Sexual and Reproductive Health, open to all professions, in which we broke several paradigms. A program was initiated in which the qualitative and quantitative investigation had the same weight, and some alumni of the program are now in positions of leadership in governmental and international institutions, replicating integral models. In the Latin American Federation of Obstetrics and Gynecology (FLASOG, English acronym) and in the International Federation of Obstetrics and Gynecology (FIGO), I was able to apply my experience for many years in the SRH committees of these association to benefit women and girls in the regional and global environments. When I think of who has inspired me in these fights, I should highlight the great feminist who have taught me and been with me in so many fights. I cannot mention them all, but I have admired the story of the life of Margaret Sanger with her persistence and visionary outlook. She fought throughout her whole life to help the women of the 20th century to be able to obtain the right to decide when and whether or not they wanted to have children (3). Of current feminist, I have had the privilege of sharing experiences with Carmen Barroso, Giselle Carino, Debora Diniz and Alejandra Meglioli, leaders of the International Planned Parenthood Federation – Western Hemisphere Region (IPPF-RHO). From my country, I want to mention my countrywoman Florence Thomas, psychologist, columnist, writer and Colombo-French feminist. She is one of the most influential and important voices in the movement for women rights in Colombia and the region. She arrived from France in the 1960's, in the years of counterculture, the Beatles, hippies, Simone de Beauvoir, and Jean-Paul Sartre, a time in which capitalism and consumer culture began to be criticized (4). It was then when they began to talk about the female body, female sexuality and when the contraceptive pill arrived like a total revolution for women. Upon its arrival in 1967, she experimented a shock because she had just assisted in a revolution and only found a country of mothers, not women (5). That was the only destiny for a woman, to be quiet and submissive. Then she realized that this could not continue, speaking of "revolutionary vanguards" in such a patriarchal environment. In 1986 with the North American and European feminism waves and with her academic team, they created the group "Mujer y Sociedad de la Universidad Nacional de Colombia", incubator of great initiatives and achievements for the country (6). She has led great changes with her courage, the strength of her arguments, and a simultaneously passionate and agreeable discourse. Among her multiple books, I highlight "Conversaciones con Violeta" (7), motivated by the disdain towards feminism of some young women. She writes it as a dialogue with an imaginary daughter in which, in an intimate manner, she reconstructs the history of women throughout the centuries and gives new light of the fundamental role of feminism in the life of modern women. Another book that shows her bravery is "Había que decirlo" (8), in which she narrates the experience of her own abortion at age twenty-two in sixty's France. My work experience in the IPPF-RHO has allowed me to meet leaders of all ages in diverse countries of the region, who with great mysticism and dedication, voluntarily, work to achieve a more equal and just society. I have been particularly impressed by the appropriation of the concept of sexual and reproductive rights by young people, and this has given me great hope for the future of the planet. We continue to have an incomplete agenda of the action plan of the ICPD of Cairo but seeing how the youth bravely confront the challenges motivates me to continue ahead and give my years of experience in an intergenerational work. In their policies and programs, the IPPF-RHO evidences great commitment for the rights and the SRH of adolescent, that are consistent with what the organization promotes, for example, 20% of the places for decision making are in hands of the young. Member organizations, that base their labor on volunteers, are true incubators of youth that will make that unassailable and necessary change of generations. In contrast to what many of us experienced, working in this complicated agenda of sexual and reproductive health without theoretical bases, today we see committed people with a solid formation to replace us. In the college of medicine at the Universidad Nacional de Colombia and the College of Nursing at the Universidad El Bosque, the new generations are more motivated and empowered, with great desire to change the strict underlying structures. Our great worry is the onslaught of the ultra-right, a lot of times better organized than us who do support rights, that supports anti-rights group and are truly pro-life (9). Faced with this scenario, we should organize ourselves better, giving battle to guarantee the rights of women in the local, regional, and global level, aggregating the efforts of all pro-right organizations. We are now committed to the Objectives of Sustainable Development (10), understood as those that satisfy the necessities of the current generation without jeopardizing the capacity of future generations to satisfy their own necessities. This new agenda is based on: - The unfinished work of the Millennium Development Goals - Pending commitments (international environmental conventions) - The emergent topics of the three dimensions of sustainable development: social, economic, and environmental. We now have 17 objectives of sustainable development and 169 goals (11). These goals mention "universal access to reproductive health" many times. In objective 3 of this list is included guaranteeing, before the year 2030, "universal access to sexual and reproductive health services, including those of family planning, information, and education." Likewise, objective 5, "obtain gender equality and empower all women and girls", establishes the goal of "assuring the universal access to sexual and reproductive health and reproductive rights in conformity with the action program of the International Conference on Population and Development, the Action Platform of Beijing". It cannot be forgotten that the term universal access to sexual and reproductive health includes universal access to abortion and contraception. Currently, 830 women die every day through preventable maternal causes; of these deaths, 99% occur in developing countries, more than half in fragile environments and in humanitarian contexts (12). 216 million women cannot access modern contraception methods and the majority live in the nine poorest countries in the world and in a cultural environment proper to the decades of the seventies (13). This number only includes women from 15 to 49 years in any marital state, that is to say, the number that takes all women into account is much greater. Achieving the proposed objectives would entail preventing 67 million unwanted pregnancies and reducing maternal deaths by two thirds. We currently have a high, unsatisfied demand for modern contraceptives, with extremely low use of reversible, long term methods (intrauterine devices and subdermal implants) which are the most effect ones with best adherence (14). There is not a single objective among the 17 Objectives of Sustainable Development where contraception does not have a prominent role: from the first one that refers to ending poverty, going through the fifth one about gender equality, the tenth of inequality reduction among countries and within the same country, until the sixteenth related with peace and justice. If we want to change the world, we should procure universal access to contraception without myths or barriers. We have the moral obligation of achieving the irradiation of extreme poverty and advancing the construction of more equal, just, and happy societies. In emergency contraception (EC), we are very far from reaching expectations. If in reversible, long-term methods we have low prevalence, in EC the situation gets worse. Not all faculties in the region look at this topic, and where it is looked at, there is no homogeneity in content, not even within the same country. There are still myths about their real action mechanisms. There are countries, like Honduras, where it is prohibited and there is no specific medicine, the same case as in Haiti. Where it is available, access is dismal, particularly among girls, adolescents, youth, migrants, afro-descendent, and indigenous. The multiple barriers for the effective use of emergency contraceptives must be knocked down, and to work toward that we have to destroy myths and erroneous perceptions, taboos and cultural norms; achieve changes in laws and restrictive rules within countries, achieve access without barriers to the EC; work in union with other sectors; train health personnel and the community. It is necessary to transform the attitude of health personal to a service above personal opinion. Reflecting on what has occurred after the ICPD in Cairo, their Action Program changed how we look at the dynamics of population from an emphasis on demographics to a focus on the people and human rights. The governments agreed that, in this new focus, success was the empowerment of women and the possibility of choice through expanded access to education, health, services, and employment among others. Nonetheless, there have been unequal advances and inequality persists in our region, all the goals were not met, the sexual and reproductive goals continue beyond the reach of many women (15). There is a long road ahead until women and girls of the world can claim their rights and liberty of deciding. Globally, maternal deaths have been reduced, there is more qualified assistance of births, more contraception prevalence, integral sexuality education, and access to SRH services for adolescents are now recognized rights with great advances, and additionally there have been concrete gains in terms of more favorable legal frameworks, particularly in our region; nonetheless, although it's true that the access condition have improved, the restrictive laws of the region expose the most vulnerable women to insecure abortions. There are great challenges for governments to recognize SRH and the DSR as integral parts of health systems, there is an ample agenda against women. In that sense, access to SRH is threatened and oppressed, it requires multi-sector mobilization and litigation strategies, investigation and support for the support of women's rights as a multi-sector agenda. Looking forward, we must make an effort to work more with youth to advance not only the Action Program of the ICPD, but also all social movements. They are one of the most vulnerable groups, and the biggest catalyzers for change. The young population still faces many challenges, especially women and girls; young girls are in particularly high risk due to lack of friendly and confidential services related with sexual and reproductive health, gender violence, and lack of access to services. In addition, access to abortion must be improved; it is the responsibility of states to guarantee the quality and security of this access. In our region there still exist countries with completely restrictive frameworks. New technologies facilitate self-care (16), which will allow expansion of universal access, but governments cannot detach themselves from their responsibility. Self-care is expanding in the world and can be strategic for reaching the most vulnerable populations. There are new challenges for the same problems, that require a re-interpretation of the measures necessary to guaranty the DSR of all people, in particular women, girls, and in general, marginalized and vulnerable populations. It is necessary to take into account migrations, climate change, the impact of digital media, the resurgence of hate discourse, oppression, violence, xenophobia, homo/transphobia, and other emergent problems, as SRH should be seen within a framework of justice, not isolated. We should demand accountability of the 179 governments that participate in the ICPD 25 years ago and the 193 countries that signed the Sustainable Development Objectives. They should reaffirm their commitments and expand their agenda to topics not considered at that time. Our region has given the world an example with the Agreement of Montevideo, that becomes a blueprint for achieving the action plan of the CIPD and we should not allow retreat. This agreement puts people at the center, especially women, and includes the topic of abortion, inviting the state to consider the possibility of legalizing it, which opens the doors for all governments of the world to recognize that women have the right to choose on maternity. This agreement is much more inclusive: Considering that the gaps in health continue to abound in the region and the average statistics hide the high levels of maternal mortality, of sexually transmitted diseases, of infection by HIV/AIDS, and the unsatisfied demand for contraception in the population that lives in poverty and rural areas, among indigenous communities, and afro-descendants and groups in conditions of vulnerability like women, adolescents and incapacitated people, it is agreed: 33- To promote, protect, and guarantee the health and the sexual and reproductive rights that contribute to the complete fulfillment of people and social justice in a society free of any form of discrimination and violence. 37- Guarantee universal access to quality sexual and reproductive health services, taking into consideration the specific needs of men and women, adolescents and young, LGBT people, older people and people with incapacity, paying particular attention to people in a condition of vulnerability and people who live in rural and remote zone, promoting citizen participation in the completing of these commitments. 42- To guarantee, in cases in which abortion is legal or decriminalized in the national legislation, the existence of safe and quality abortion for non-desired or non-accepted pregnancies and instigate the other States to consider the possibility of modifying public laws, norms, strategies, and public policy on the voluntary interruption of pregnancy to save the life and health of pregnant adolescent women, improving their quality of life and decreasing the number of abortions (17).
Most post-modern societies are being challenged by a widening gap that divides their populations by the classic cleavages of age, class, region and religion. Exacerbated by the forces of globalization and the immediacy of technology, they result in constant clashes that cause an exponential increase in social tensions and insecurity. Even if the Norwegian killer was insane and can not be used as example, he was still a member of the dominant culture failing to accommodate to post-modern circumstances. In the United States this gap is vividly evident in the current debt ceiling debate, which is only a symptom of much serious divisions that threaten the country's social unity and political future.A brief look at recent headlines in the United States can give outsiders and idea of the country's social and political environment.On Sunday July 24th, a new law approving gay marriage came into effect in New York, making it the sixth and largest state in the nation (plus the District of Columbia) to have legalized same-sex marriage. In Manhattan, people celebrated on Fifth Avenue, singing and dancing to the music and well-suited lyrics of New York, New York ("If we can make it here, we'll make it anywhere…"). On July 0th, Republican candidates Michelle Bachman and Rick Santoro a "Marriage Vow" swearing fidelity to their spouses, promising they would "vigorously oppose any redefinition of marriage" and would take steps to amend welfare legislation that did not reinforce conventional marriage. This is only a sample of the extreme polarization the country is facing both economically and socially. It is a critical moment in United States history, one that may require a deep reflection on the basic principles the nation was founded upon and a renewal of the social compact.Prodded by the Tea Party leaders, who presently wield an amount of power disproportionate to their numbers, Republican candidates have been signing pledges on an array of different topics in order to prove their conservative credentials. Both Michelle Bachman and Mitt Romney also signed a no-new-taxes pledge, together with a "cut, cap and balance pledge" to amend the Constitution to require a balanced budget and congressional super majorities to raise taxes. These two pledges, albeit non-enforceable and thus largely symbolic, are now the single most important obstacle to reach a deal in Congress about balancing the budget and avoiding default on the national debt. Tea Party Nation leader Judson Phillips has threatened to recruit candidates to mount primary challenges against any GOP member that votes for a compromise on the debt ceiling that involves any type of revenue increases to balance the budget. The GOP Congressional leadership has been hijacked by intransigent ideologues, represented in the House by 87 freshmen with disproportionate power over the more established professional politicians who understand that democratic governance requires give and take, and that politics in a pluralistic society is the art of the achievable.This country was founded on the premise of compromise, negotiation and cooperation, as it is evident from the history of the Constitution and the layers of governmental power devised mainly to counterbalance one another: states versus federal, legislative versus executive, Senate v. House, and an independent judiciary. It was clear even then, that solutions in what promised to be a huge, diverse society with deep regional and religious cleavages would require compromise. But today, in the "worst Congress ever" as Norman Ornstein calls it in his recent article in Foreign Policy, compromise is a bad word. The House is controlled by a GOP freshmen class that owes its seats to Tea Party ideologues and is refusing to raise the debt ceiling even as President Obama has agreed to cuts in spending that include cuts in entitlements, in exchange for ending subsidies on ethanol and other corporate subsidies (he has even given up on the expiration of the Bush era tax cuts he had included in his first proposal). This package that would represent over 3 trillion dollars in cuts from the federal budget, including reductions in Medicare and other social programs, would have allowed the debt ceiling to be raised so that the US could avoid defaulting on its debt by August 2nd. It was on the table last week and close to being signed on by House Speaker John Boehner but he refused it at the last minute because of pressure from his own caucus. The Tea Party is pushing professional legislators toward the abyss, and with them, the whole country. The Tea Party is a social movement that was born out of frustration and disappointment with government spending over the last twelve years. President George W. Bush inherited a budget surplus from the Clinton-Gingrich years. But that surplus quickly vanished as Bush proposed and got passed serious tax cuts on the wealthy and then embarked on two wars that are still going on today. In response, a large coalition of Independents, Republicans and a few former Democrats formed a protest movement that defines itself for what it is against: big government, big media, big banks, unsustainable deficits and intrusive federal regulation. In spite of some evident intrinsic contradictions in their philosophy (for example some the new regulations they so vehemently oppose such as the Dodd-Frank legislation are meant to constrain the actions of "big banks" they so strongly abhor), the Tea Party has been very successful in focusing the public's attention on the federal budget deficit and on the federal debt that has ballooned in the last two decades. Those are its core concerns, together with a deep-seated contempt for and rejection of, everything the well-educated elites are for the most in favor of: environmental sustainability, a foreign policy based on multilateralism, gay rights and immigration reform legislation that recognizes the realities of the estimated twelve million undocumented workers in the country. After two months of wrangling, neither side has managed to get what it wanted, the US credit rating is about to be downgraded (with the subsequent increase in interest rates and damaging effects on an already slow economy) and the vitriolic Washington environment is alienating people on the Right and on the Left. Pressured by the Tea Partiers and their anti-tax obsession, Republicans have refused to compromise to avoid a default, and in so doing they are sabotaging their own chances for 2012. Most Americans are appalled at the GOP's refusal to endorse Obama's proposal that would cut the deficit by $3.7 trillion through a mix of spending cuts, entitlement reform and ending some corporate subsidies and tax deductions. In so doing, the GOP is alienating independent voters that want to avoid default and are ready for a deal. A new political center of gravity is forming. The number of registered voters that identify themselves as Independent is growing (40% in latest poll), while the numbers of Republicans and Democrats are sinking and there is a new online movement from the grassroots to form a third party.Paradoxically, out of all this Byzantine intrigue in the hallways of Congress, and given the outcome of no deal announced on Monday night, President Obama may come out as the winner. To the dismay of his most progressive base, Obama, intent on finding some common ground with the opposition has shifted to the center-right of the political spectrum on his proposals, daring to sacrifice some cuts on entitlements in exchange for revenue increases, only to see them rejected by the Republicans. He is close to winning a stand-alone debt ceiling increase while having proven to be the only reasonable adult in this struggle. This would gain him the support of many independents and help him avoid a confrontation within his own party. It would also allow him to focus on unemployment, the real immediate crisis that most directly impacts people's lives. However, Democrats in the House and Senate are afraid that concessions on reducing some Medicare benefits, for example, or postponing the eligibility age, would ruin the clarity of their message to seniors during the election. Conversely, Tea Partiers see a compromise involving any sort of revenue increases by the government, even non-tax measures such as ending corporate subsidies, as a betrayal of their principles. The Tea Partiers have brought into focus the spending crisis that has been growing unchecked for a long time, and one the country cannot obviously tax its way out of. Some facts cannot be denied: debt is the result of spending not backed by revenue. Total government spending at all levels has risen to 37% of the GDP today from 27% in 1960. It could reach 50% by 2038. The debt-to-GDP ratio has reached 100% today, from 42% in 1980. The big moral struggle is still ahead. There is no question that the government is spending too much, but the real debate is about priorities and the philosophies that underlie those priorities. The President has recognized that the budget deficit is important to voters, most of which have come to the conclusion that since the stimulus spending did not solve the problem of unemployment, deficit reduction appears to be a better way to improve the economy than investing in education, infrastructure and new energy technologies. Obama must acknowledge this, and make it part of his discourse.But the President must also continue to make a case for the common good ("there are things we can still do together", he said in his last speech), the social safety net and America's future. He can do this by personalizing the budget battles the way Clinton did. Are budget battles about choices or necessities? Why give more tax cuts to the wealthy if their wealth has grown through the recession while the rest saw their wealth diminish? Why subsidize corporate agriculture and ethanol production? Social programs like Medicare serve all Americans, why focus on cutting it while giving a pass to the upper income- and- wealth echelon? General elections are won from the center. Strong strident advocates make for weak candidates. Undoubtedly, the 2012 election will be about money, about fiscal discipline, but it will also be about a more equal distribution, and it will require strong leadership from the two respective philosophical corners to come to a consensus. That is why the Republican establishment is so worried about the lack of gravitas in their field of candidates. That is why some yearn for budget whiz Paul Ryan, or Governor Chris Christie or Rick Perry….or anybody really, that looks and sounds as if he can take on Obama in the intricacies of the budget, the debt ceiling, and social programs reform. That may also be why Jeb Bush was asked on Fox News about his intentions to run for President again two days ago. This time his response was more nuanced: he said that while he doesn't anticipate it, he hasn't ruled it out ("but, he added, "I haven't ruled out being in Dancing with the Stars, either").In the meantime, the Wall Street Journal today announced that, based on the Pew Research Center tabulations of SIPP and Census date, the wealth gap between America's whites and its two largest minorities, Blacks and Hispanics, has widened to unprecedented levels due to the housing crisis and the Great Recession. Alan Greenspan, former President of the Federal Reserve has said repeatedly that the wealth gap that has grown consistently for the last decade is a threat not only to our country but to capitalism itself. Poverty and unemployment are a combustive mix: if fiscal responsibility ends up being based on the back of the poor, social conflict will erupt. It is unconscionable, for example, to think that hedge fund managers pay significantly less taxes than their secretaries.Some Republicans want to abolish every piece of social legislation and re-litigate every progressive judicial decision since the New Deal. As part of pledge game, Michelle Bachman and four other candidates also signed the "Susan B. Anthony pledge "promising to appoint abortion opponents to their cabinets and to deny all funding for Planned Parenthood when they become presidents. The bizarre "Marriage Vow "pledge signed by Bachmann and Santoro not only opposes same-sex marriage and includes a personal promise to be faithful to their spouses, but (most peculiarly yet redundantly) it also rejects Sharia Law (which, by the way, like Bachman, also opposes gay marriage and female adultery, which it punishes by death!)The only candidate that has refused to sign any pledge is Jon Huntsman, who understands the perils of siding too closely with the rebellious Tea Party. Even if some of its main points have successfully brought into focus the deficit issue, the Tea Party is still supported by a minority and resented by most Republicans. Its anti-technocratic, anti-Washington message has resonance, but it may have pushed the GOP too far into a corner. Its message is also becoming blurred when it steps into the social arena: its racist and homophobic overtones do not reflect the spirit of the times and are offensive to the "millenials", the youngest generation of voters born in the 80s and 90s, which Republicans still hope to attract in 2012. Social movements are major vehicles of participation and can re-energize a worn out party. They reflect the spirit of the times, often in an extremist way that is what gives them prominence: their passion for the cause, their original approach, are all important, but their message has to resonate with the public if they are to succeed. They emerge, coalesce, grow and achieve some successes. However, once their main point is made, three things can happen: they can become a party, their main ideas can be incorporated into mainstream politics, or they dissipate and be quickly forgotten. The Tea Party brought into focus the issue of fiscal responsibility, it infused conservatism with new energy and found a natural home in the Republican Party, which had become profligate, and will have to prove from now on that it is sincere about austerity. Its impact is undeniable: it has also attracted Independents and in so doing, has per force moved the Democratic Party to the center-right. Mimicking the "big tent" approach of Republicans, the Tea Party has lately been focusing strategically on fiscal responsibility, limited government and free markets and its main groups have avoided divisive social issues when speaking to the general public. But their demands of ideological purity from their candidates, their emphasis on returning to the strict meaning of the Constitution and the values of the Founding Father, their defense of states rights and gun rights, belie their claims of inclusiveness for all Americans; in its coded language, its contempt for immigrants and its not-so- veiled racism, one senses a strongly reactionary sentiment bordering on uncontainable fanaticism which is completely out of step with most Americans and which will make it very difficult to widen its appeal beyond what it has already achieved.To paraphrase deceased Republican leader Barry Goldwater, the Tea Party's aim isnot to streamline government or make it more efficient, but to get rid of every piece of social legislation and economic regulation passed since the New Deal. Their purpose is not to share the burden of the weakest members of society, nor to educate their children so they can have equality of opportunity, but to defend the individual freedoms of those who can stand on their own. In sum, they are extremists for whom tolerance and moderation are vices, not virtues, and therefore they have no place in a democracy.Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia