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Written at the moment when the radiance of Florence was brilliantly affirmed in letters, art, and architecture, particularly with the advent of perspective, this funeral oration constitutes a homage to a relative of the author, as well as the pretext for a tribute to Florence itself. Bruni presents the city's cultural, military, and political radiation as a the result of a communal dynamic. Notably, he praises the dedication to the republican party, in which the institutionalization of liberty prompted citizens to seek honors in the defense of the common good. The popular regime permitted each, by virtue of merit, to participate in the government of the city. In this way, the republic constituted a system that promoted virtue, and opposed the oligarchical regimes that favored the sycophantic spirit of the courtier. Adapted from the source document.

International audience ; This article looks back at the insurrectionary days of 30 and 31 December 2014 that precipitated the fall of Blaise Compaoré in Burkina Faso, through the material traces they left behind in the urban space. It aims at describing precisely street violence in connection with the ways it was handled politically, as well as by the police, questioning the morality that this violence conveys from the insurgents' perspective and exploring the ways in which it is narrated, not only by its protagonists but also by the new authorities who emerged after the insurrection. This wandering among the ruins invites to analyse the popular representations of political and economic power through the prism of what has been broken; it also calls to explore the plurality of rationalities that are revealed through insurrectionary violence; it finally leads to reflect on the political use of ruins and on how these can be inserted into politics of memory. ; Cet article revient sur les journées insurrectionnelles des 30 et 31 décembre 2014 qui ont précipité la chute de Blaise Compaoré au Burkina Faso, à travers les ruines matérielles qu'elles ont laissées dans l'espace urbain. Il vise à décrire précisément la violence de rue en lien avec son traitement politique et policier, à interroger les différentes morales dont cette violence est porteuse du point de vue des insurgés et à questionner ses mises en récit sélectives et rétrospectives, tant par ses protagonistes que par les autorités issues du renversement de régime. Cette déambulation parmi les ruines d'une insurrection invite à analyser les représentations populaires du pouvoir politique et économique sous le prisme de ce qui a été cassé ; elle engage également à explorer la pluralité des rationalités qui se révèlent dans la violence en situation insurrectionnelle ; elle amène enfin à réfléchir à l'usage des ruines et à la manière dont ces dernières peuvent s'insérer dans des politiques de la trace.

International audience ; This article looks back at the insurrectionary days of 30 and 31 December 2014 that precipitated the fall of Blaise Compaoré in Burkina Faso, through the material traces they left behind in the urban space. It aims at describing precisely street violence in connection with the ways it was handled politically, as well as by the police, questioning the morality that this violence conveys from the insurgents' perspective and exploring the ways in which it is narrated, not only by its protagonists but also by the new authorities who emerged after the insurrection. This wandering among the ruins invites to analyse the popular representations of political and economic power through the prism of what has been broken; it also calls to explore the plurality of rationalities that are revealed through insurrectionary violence; it finally leads to reflect on the political use of ruins and on how these can be inserted into politics of memory. ; Cet article revient sur les journées insurrectionnelles des 30 et 31 décembre 2014 qui ont précipité la chute de Blaise Compaoré au Burkina Faso, à travers les ruines matérielles qu'elles ont laissées dans l'espace urbain. Il vise à décrire précisément la violence de rue en lien avec son traitement politique et policier, à interroger les différentes morales dont cette violence est porteuse du point de vue des insurgés et à questionner ses mises en récit sélectives et rétrospectives, tant par ses protagonistes que par les autorités issues du renversement de régime. Cette déambulation parmi les ruines d'une insurrection invite à analyser les représentations populaires du pouvoir politique et économique sous le prisme de ce qui a été cassé ; elle engage également à explorer la pluralité des rationalités qui se révèlent dans la violence en situation insurrectionnelle ; elle amène enfin à réfléchir à l'usage des ruines et à la manière dont ces dernières peuvent s'insérer dans des politiques de la trace.

International audience ; This article looks back at the insurrectionary days of 30 and 31 December 2014 that precipitated the fall of Blaise Compaoré in Burkina Faso, through the material traces they left behind in the urban space. It aims at describing precisely street violence in connection with the ways it was handled politically, as well as by the police, questioning the morality that this violence conveys from the insurgents' perspective and exploring the ways in which it is narrated, not only by its protagonists but also by the new authorities who emerged after the insurrection. This wandering among the ruins invites to analyse the popular representations of political and economic power through the prism of what has been broken; it also calls to explore the plurality of rationalities that are revealed through insurrectionary violence; it finally leads to reflect on the political use of ruins and on how these can be inserted into politics of memory. ; Cet article revient sur les journées insurrectionnelles des 30 et 31 décembre 2014 qui ont précipité la chute de Blaise Compaoré au Burkina Faso, à travers les ruines matérielles qu'elles ont laissées dans l'espace urbain. Il vise à décrire précisément la violence de rue en lien avec son traitement politique et policier, à interroger les différentes morales dont cette violence est porteuse du point de vue des insurgés et à questionner ses mises en récit sélectives et rétrospectives, tant par ses protagonistes que par les autorités issues du renversement de régime. Cette déambulation parmi les ruines d'une insurrection invite à analyser les représentations populaires du pouvoir politique et économique sous le prisme de ce qui a été cassé ; elle engage également à explorer la pluralité des rationalités qui se révèlent dans la violence en situation insurrectionnelle ; elle amène enfin à réfléchir à l'usage des ruines et à la manière dont ces dernières peuvent s'insérer dans des politiques de la trace.

The treatment of the question of jus post bellum in academia is recent, as this concept has really emerged after the interventions in Kosovo (1999) and Iraq (2003). This is why the definition of this concept remains abstract. It is necessary to make conceptual and normative work to define the substance, and this can only be considered as a point of standing out morality and a supposed ancestral lineage with the classic founders of international law to lead to a positive legal policy analysis and a liberal doctrine to determine in what extent it can be applied in specific or general post-conflict situations. Adapted from the source document.

The paper examines the relation of esotericism and oblique politics in the Byzantine philosopher Michael Psellos (11th century) on the basis of Eva De Vries' study of the letters that Psellos addressed to the states­man Leo Paraspondylos. Traditionally, the name of Psellos signifies a revival of Neoplatonism in medieval Constantinople according to researchers like Chr. Zervos in the beginning of 20th century. Contemporary researchers such as Anthony Kaldellis and Stratis Papaioannou point to a more organic than speculative theorization in Psellos' work while another contemporary scholar, Frederick Lauritzen, undertakes a synthesis of the two approaches. In any case, as this paper supports, it would be inadequate to consider the relation of esotericism to politics without referring to the evolution of the moral standards considered in a contextualized manner. ; The paper examines the relation of esotericism and oblique politics in the Byzantine philosopher Michael Psellos (11th century) on the basis of Eva De Vries' study of the letters that Psellos addressed to the statesman Leo Paraspondylos. Traditionally, the name of Psellos signifies a revival of Neoplatonism in medieval Constantinople according to researchers like Chr. Zervos in the beginning of 20th century. Contemporary researchers such as Anthony Kaldellis and Stratis Papaioannou point to a more organic than speculative theorization in Psellos' work while another contemporary scholar, Frederick Lauritzen, undertakes a synthesis of the two approaches. In any case, as this paper supports, it would be inadequate to consider the relation of esotericism to politics without referring to the evolution of the moral standards considered in a contextualized manner.

An examination of the career of several members of three neighborhood associations in Casablanca and the manner in which they themselves describe their actions reveals the intricacies of the associative space and political sphere in Morocco. By virtue of a mirror effect, the frontiers between these two universes are the object of continuous struggle. Associative action is sometimes constructed independently and sometimes in connection with "politics". It is thus drawn upon as a substitute for political participation, a tribune for marginalized actors or a local-level springboard and can lead to renegotiation of relations with the political realm. By virtue of the very existence of points of junction between associative, partisan, electoral, labor union and protest scenes, associational action exposes those involved to several types of participation. It endows them with practical and cognitive competencies, is an incentive for them to interact with various agencies of governmentality and encourages a circular reconversion of resources and know-how. Associational action may also give rise to a taste for "politics" and electoral competition or that encourage its participants to become aware of their responsibilities. From one situation to the next, it is the object of a range of definitions, involvements and (micro) strategies that are as vast as they are variable, both diachronically and synchronically. Adapted from the source document.