Suchergebnisse

CONTENIDO Presentación Romero, Carlos A.; Molina, Franklin Investigación Comunidad Andina: De la zona de libre comercio a la unión aduanera. Los nuevos temas Andean Community: From the free trade to the custom union and the new topics Arellano, Félix G. Desarrollo institucional de la Comunidad AndinaInstitutional development of the Andean Community Bustamante, Ana Marleny Venezuela en la Comunidad Andina: Retrocesos en tres escalasVenezuela in the Andean Community: backward movements in three stages. Cardozo, Elsa La (IN) seguridad en los países andinos (IN) segurity in the andean countries Jácome, Francine El tema democrático y la seguridad multilateralThe democratic issue and the multilateral security Romero, Carlos A. La posición de Venezuela frente al alca y las relaciones de la CAN con Estados Unidos y la UEVenezuelan position towards FTAA and the Andean Community relations with United States and European Union Briceño Ruiz, José Cambio político e integración en las américas. Una mirada en el tablero del ALCAPolitical change and the integration in the americas. A glance in the FTAA board Molina, Franklin La política exterior de Hugo Chávez en tres actos (1998-2004)Hugo Chávez's foreign policy in three stages (1998-2004) Mora Brito, Daniel Educación en fronteras Estudian implicaciones del ALCA para Venezuela Velásquez, Karibay Agenda Noviembre 2003 / Abril 2004 Resumen informativo de las principales actividades desarrolladas en la frontera común y en el marco de la integración colombo-venezolana Bonilla, Deysi Indice acumulado Reseñas Transformaciones globales Política, Economía y Cultura. David Held, Anthony McGrew, David Goldblatt y Jonathan Perraton. Oxford University Press. 2002 Reseñado por: Bustamante, Juan Carlos Publicaciones ; 48 - 58 ; eliodoropineda@hotmail.com ; semestral ; Nivel analítico

El presidente panameno, Ernesto Perez Balladares, viajo a Washington en septiembre de 1995, oportunidad que aprovecho para plantearle al mandatario de ese pais, Bill Clinton, la creacion de un Centro Multilateral Antidrogas. A partir de esa fecha se iniciaron las negociaciones para establecer el Centro en el marco del complejo militar que EEUU aun mantiene en Panama. El 22 de diciembre de 1997, el gobierno panameno le informo al pais que las negociaciones en torno al Centro Antidrogas habian concluido con exito. Con el fin de contribuir a un debate esclarecedor sobre la presencia militar norteamericana en Panama y el significado de ese pacto, en estas paginas se presenta el texto integro del acuerdo. (Tareas/DÜI)

El Anexo IV mecaniza el espíritu humanista que inspira el Convenio Multilateral Iberoamericano de Seguridad Social al pormenorizar los otros instrumentos bilaterales y regionales de coordinación, con el fin de estatuir un indudable orden público iberoamericano para las prestaciones contributivas de la seguridad social de los trabajadores migrantes y sus derechohabientes. En primer término, este artículo depura el contenido esencial de este apartado especial del Convenio. En segundo lugar, luego de observar que la especificidad del Anexo IV no hace más que ratificar el principio "pro persona" como el norte que guía la aplicación del Convenio, el autor ensaya un modelo para discernir el orden de prelación ante su concurrencia con otro par aplicable. La conclusión radica en que, dentro del Mercosur, la aplicación del Convenio sería pospuesta en ciertos casos de prestaciones por invalidez, vejez y supervivencia. ; Annex IV mechanises the humanist spirit inspired by the Multilateral Ibero-American Agreement on Social Security in detailing the other bilateral and regional coordination instruments in order to establish an undoubted Ibero-American public order for the contributory benefits of social security for migrant workers and their relatives. In the first place, this article clarifies the essential content of this special section of the Convention. Secondly, after observing that the specificity of Annex IV merely ratifies the "pro person" principle as the guiding principle for the application of the Convention, the author tries a model to discern the order of precedence in relation to its concurrence with another applicable pair. The conclusion is that, within MERCOSUR, the application of the Convention would be postponed in certain cases of invalidity, old age and survivors' benefits

The World Trade Organization (WTO) is the institution that implements the international trade regime that was set up after the end of World War II as one of the mechanisms to create the economic and political conditions to avoid future wars. Developing countries faced a number of constraints under the GATT and gradually achieved important gains that allowed them to participate in the multilateral trading system more fairly and equitably. Special and Differential Treatment (SDT) and the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP), covered by the Enabling Clause, were the most important achievements of developing countries under the GATT. With the creation of the WTO such achievements were consolidated and institutionalized. The so-called Doha Development Round, which began in 2001, incorporated a number of positive initiatives for developing countries and strengthened the SDT. Unfortunately, this round of negotiations has deadlocked for several years, which has contributed to the proliferation of bilateral, regional and interregional trade agreements that could undermine the multilateral trade system. The developed countries have expressed their interest in concluding the negotiations in the Doha Round due to the lack of consensus and, instead, addressing new issues on the multilateral trade agenda that respond to the needs of today's world. This could mean a significant decline in the participation of developing countries in the multilateral trading system.Revista ciencia, cultura y sociedad Vol. 4 No. 2 july-december 2017; 42-53 ; La Organización Mundial de Comercio (OMC) es la institución que ejecuta el régimen internacional del comercio que se configuró luego de finalizada la Segunda Guerra Mundial como uno de los mecanismos para crear las condiciones económicas y políticas que permitan evitar futuros enfrentamientos. Los países en desarrollo enfrentaron varias limitaciones al inicio del GATT y paulatinamente fueron consiguiendo importantes conquistas que les permitieron participar en el sistema multilateral de comercio de manera más justa y equitativa. El Trato Especial y Diferenciado (TED) y el Sistema Generalizado de Preferencias (SGP), amparados por la Cláusula de Habilitación, fueron los avances más importantes conseguidos por los países en desarrollo en el marco del GATT. Con la creación de la OMC, dichas conquistas se fueron consolidando e institucionalizando. La denominada Ronda de Doha para el Desarrollo, que inició en 2001, incorporó varias iniciativas positivas para los países en desarrollo y fortaleció el TED. Desafortunadamente, dicha ronda de negociaciones presenta un estancamiento desde hace varios años, lo que ha incidido en la proliferación de acuerdos comerciales bilaterales, regionales e interregionales que bien podrían mermar al sistema multilateral de comercio. Los países desarrollados han expresado su interés para que las negociaciones en la Ronda de Doha terminen por la falta de consenso y, en su lugar, se aborden nuevos temas en la agenda multilateral que respondan a las necesidades del mundo actual. Esto podría significar un importante retroceso en la participación de los países en desarrollo en el régimen multilateral de comercio.Revista ciencia, cultura y sociedad Vol. 4 No. 2 julio-diciembre 2017; 42-53

We discuss a model of gradual coalition formation with positive externalities in which a leading country endogenously decides whether to negotiate multilaterally or sequentially over climate change. We show that the leader may choose a sequential path, and that the choice is determined by the convexity of the TU-game and the free-rider payoffs of the followers. Except in a few clearly defined cases, the outcome of the negotiation process is always the grand coalition, although the process may need some time. This holds for the standard IEA game with heterogeneous players even if the grand coalition is not stable in a multilateral context. We also analyze the role of a facilitating agency. The agency has an incentive to speed up intra-stage negotiations and to extend the period between negotiation stages in a sequential process. ; Peer reviewed

Although the Cuban government was excluded from the OAS in 1962, it still provokes debate within the OAS, other regional fora, & the UN. After a brief historical review of the Cuban case within the OAS, Heller analyzes how this issue reemerged in the agenda during the 1990s. Latin American countries were forced by the Helms-Burton Act to take a position on this matter & both the Rio Group & the OAS issued statements & resolutions condemning the extraterritorial enforcement of laws & endorsing trade & investment freedom in the hemisphere. On the other hand, the Secretary General, Cesar Gaviria, suggested that the Inter-American community should play a more dynamic role in Cuba's economic & political opening. The UN became also a debate scenario when in 1987 the US presented a resolution condemning the Cuban government for the violation of human rights at the Human Rights Commission. Different countries have submitted this resolution each year since then. Cuba, on its part, has also used the UN forum to denounce extraterritorial legislation. In general, the consideration of the Cuban case by multilateral agencies has resulted in divisions among member countries as to whether or not the Cuban government should be "pressed" to open the country. Heller argues that these debates are in fact a reflection of the conflict between the US & Cuba, but the statements & resolutions that have been adopted have failed to change both countries' positions. In other words, the impasse between Havana & Washington is also prevalent at those fora. 2 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

Estudio la respuesta política que los gobiernos de Fernando VII dieron, entre 1814 y 1817, a la decisión de las grandes potencias vencedoras de Napoleón de no compartir las decisiones importantes con las potencias que pasaron a considerar "menores", entre las que destaca una España que había colaborado en la derrota de Napoleón y que, formalmente, conservaba todavía un amplio imperio ultramarino. ; This article focuses on the political answer the governments of Fernando VII gave to the decision taken by the great powers which had won over Napoleon of not counting with the points of view of those powers they saw as "lesser" ones. Among the latter, Spain had achieved some name, due to its having contributed to Napoleon's defeat and its nominal rule over a vast overseas empire.

Desde finales de la década de 1950 y hasta 1965, el gobierno de Estados Unidos (EEUU) promovió la creación de una fuerza naval armada con misiles balísticos, conocida como Fuerza Multilateral (Multilateral Force, MLF), con tripulaciones multinacionales y bajo mando de la Organización del Tratado del Atlántico Norte (OTAN). La propuesta inicial de la administración Eisenhower trataba de satisfacer las quejas de algunos miembros de la OTAN acerca del monopolio que EEUU ejercía sobre la defensa nuclear de Europa. Aunque oficialmente se buscaba proporcionar un papel activo a los países europeos, en particular Alemania, en la estrategia nuclear conjunta, con la MLF los EEUU confiaban en inducir a que tanto el Reino Unido como Francia integraran sus respectivos componentes disuasorios en un único organismo que, aunque no estuviera bajo el control directo estadounidense, al menos evitara estrategias nucleares independientes, cuando no divergentes ; In the late 1950s and until 1965, the US government promoted the creation Of a naval force armed with ballistic missiles, known as Multilateral Force (MLF) with multinational crews and under NATO command. The initial proposal of the Eisenhower administration was to satisfy complaints from some NATO members about the US monopoly on European nuclear defense. Although the official aim was to provide an active role to European countries, particularly to Germany, in the joint nuclear strategy, with the MLF, the US were relying on booth UK and France to integrate their respective nuclear deterrents into a single organism. However, this one would not be under the direct US control, at least it will avoid independents, if not divergents, nuclear strategies

Una reflexión sobre los préstamos otorgados por la banca multilateral para fines de desarrollo en África Central se inscribe en la lógica de búsqueda de herramientas para comprender las dinámicas funcionales de la economía mundial contemporánea. En realidad, cada proceso o proyecto que emprenden los Gobiernos, las empresas privadas, las instituciones financieras o cualquier otro tipo de institución debería fundamentarse en una idea de cambio y progreso, aun cuando exista o predomine la tendencia a mantener las cosas como están (la resistencia al cambio) y las estrategias de desarrollo multidimensional implementadas por la banca multilateral debieran entrar en esta lógica de cambio y progreso. En el caso de África Central, los sectores prioritarios a los que va dirigida gran parte de los préstamos para el desarrollo son: desarrollo rural, infraestructuras socioeconómicas (transportes, agua, energía, agricultura, etc.), desarrollo de los recursos humanos, ciencia y tecnología, promoción de pequeñas y medianas empresas y ajuste estructural. Sin embargo, a pesar del enorme potencial que tiene en recursos naturales, el índice de desarrollo sigue siendo muy bajo, debido a que los Estados africanos independientes en la década del sesenta no han logrado adaptarse a las exigencias de un nuevo paradigma de transformación multisectorial. ; Uma reflexão sobre os empréstimos outorgados pela Banca Multilateral para fins de desenvolvimento na África central inscreve-se na lógica de busca de ferramentas para analisar e compreender as dinâmicas funcionais da economia mundial contemporânea. Em realidade, cada processo ou projeto que empreendem os governos, as empresas privadas, as instituições financeiras ou qualquer outro tipo de instituição, deveria se fundamentar em uma ideia de mudança e progresso, ainda quando exista ou predomine a tendência em manter as coisas como estão (a resistência à mudança); e as estratégias de desenvolvimento multidimensional implementadas pela Banca Multilateral deveriam entrar nesta lógica de mudança e progresso. No caso específico da África central, entre outros, os setores prioritários aos que está dirigida grande parte dos empréstimos para o desenvolvimento são: desenvolvimento rural, infraestruturas socioeconômicas (transportes, água, energia, agricultura, etc.), desenvolvimento dos recursos humanos, ciência e tecnologia, promoção de Pequenas e Médias Empresas e ajuste estrutural. No entanto, a pesar do enorme potencial que a África central tem em recursos naturais, o índice de desenvolvimento segue sendo muito baixo, devido a que os Estados africanos independentes na década dos sessentas, não têm conseguido se adaptar ante as exigências de um novo paradigma de transformação multissetorial. ; A consideration of the loans from multilateral banks for development projects in Central Africa is a way to analyze and understand the dynamics of the contemporary world economy. In fact, each process or project undertaken by governments, private companies, financial institutions or any other type of institution should be based on an idea of change and progress, even if there is a dominant trend to keep things as they are, i.e., the resistance to change. Multidimensional development strategies pursued by multilateral banks should enter into the logic of change and progress. In the case of Central Africa, among others, the priority sectors to which many of the loans are directed include rural development, economic infrastructure (transport, water, energy, agriculture, etc.), human resource development, science and technology, the promotion of small and medium-size enterprises, and structural adjustment. However, despite the enormous potential of Central Africa in natural resources, the regional development index has remained very low, because the independent African states failed to adapt to the demands of a new paradigm of multi-sectorial transformation during the 1960s.

Una reflexión sobre los préstamos otorgados por la banca multilateral para fines de desarrollo en África Central se inscribe en la lógica de búsqueda de herramientas para comprender las dinámicas funcionales de la economía mundial contemporánea. En realidad, cada proceso o proyecto que emprenden los Gobiernos, las empresas privadas, las instituciones financieras o cualquier otro tipo de institución debería fundamentarse en una idea de cambio y progreso, aun cuando exista o predomine la tendencia a mantener las cosas como están (la resistencia al cambio) y las estrategias de desarrollo multidimensional implementadas por la banca multilateral debieran entrar en esta lógica de cambio y progreso. En el caso de África Central, los sectores prioritarios a los que va dirigida gran parte de los préstamos para el desarrollo son: desarrollo rural, infraestructuras socioeconómicas (transportes, agua, energía, agricultura, etc.), desarrollo de los recursos humanos, ciencia y tecnología, promoción de pequeñas y medianas empresas y ajuste estructural. Sin embargo, a pesar del enorme potencial que tiene en recursos naturales, el índice de desarrollo sigue siendo muy bajo, debido a que los Estados africanos independientes en la década del sesenta no han logrado adaptarse a las exigencias de un nuevo paradigma de transformación multisectorial. ; A consideration of the loans from multilateral banks for development projects in Central Africa is a way to analyze and understand the dynamics of the contemporary world economy. In fact, each process or project undertaken by governments, private companies, financial institutions or any other type of institution should be based on an idea of change and progress, even if there is a dominant trend to keep things as they are, i.e., the resistance to change. Multidimensional development strategies pursued by multilateral banks should enter into the logic of change and progress. In the case of Central Africa, among others, the priority sectors to which many of the loans are directed include rural development, economic infrastructure (transport, water, energy, agriculture, etc.), human resource development, science and technology, the promotion of small and medium-size enterprises, and structural adjustment. However, despite the enormous potential of Central Africa in natural resources, the regional development index has remained very low, because the independent African states failed to adapt to the demands of a new paradigm of multi-sectorial transformation during the 1960s. ; Uma reflexão sobre os empréstimos outorgados pela Banca Multilateral para fins de desenvolvimento na África central inscreve-se na lógica de busca de ferramentas para analisar e compreender as dinâmicas funcionais da economia mundial contemporânea. Em realidade, cada processo ou projeto que empreendem os governos, as empresas privadas, as instituições financeiras ou qualquer outro tipo de instituição, deveria se fundamentar em uma ideia de mudança e progresso, ainda quando exista ou predomine a tendência em manter as coisas como estão (a resistência à mudança); e as estratégias de desenvolvimento multidimensional implementadas pela Banca Multilateral deveriam entrar nesta lógica de mudança e progresso. No caso específico da África central, entre outros, os setores prioritários aos que está dirigida grande parte dos empréstimos para o desenvolvimento são: desenvolvimento rural, infraestruturas socioeconômicas (transportes, água, energia, agricultura, etc.), desenvolvimento dos recursos humanos, ciência e tecnologia, promoção de Pequenas e Médias Empresas e ajuste estrutural. No entanto, a pesar do enorme potencial que a África central tem em recursos naturais, o índice de desenvolvimento segue sendo muito baixo, devido a que os Estados africanos independentes na década dos sessentas, não têm conseguido se adaptar ante as exigências de um novo paradigma de transformação multissetorial.

Multilateral diplomacy has represented for Mexico an important counterweight space in its immediate geopolitical environment. Through it, Mexico developed initiatives and assumed positions that left their mark on the main issues on the international agenda. Multilateralism also made it possible to mitigate asymmetries in inter-American relations in the face of conflicts that arose on the continent and that put the guiding principles of Mexican foreign policy to the test. Currently, the growing interdependence of the domestic agenda on the environment, migration, drugs and regional security forces us to review the trajectory of Mexican multilateralism. In response to this imperative, this work offers a systematic review of the main interventions of Mexico in multilateral forums, an essential path to know the directions of Mexican diplomacy in these matters, as well as to evaluate the scope and limitations that allow to pose realistically the challenges facing global governance in a world of crisis.