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Municipal governments play a vital role in American democracy, as well as in governments around the world. Despite this, little is known about the degree to which cities are responsive to the views of their citizens. In the past, the unavailability of data on the policy preferences of citizens at the municipal level has limited scholars' ability to study the responsiveness of municipal government. We overcome this problem by using recent advances in opinion estimation to measure the mean policy conservatism in every U.S. city and town with a population above 20,000 people. Despite the supposition in the literature that municipal politics are non-ideological, we find that the policies enacted by cities across a range of policy areas correspond with the liberal-conservative positions of their citizens on national policy issues. In addition, we consider the influence of institutions, such as the presence of an elected mayor, the popular initiative, partisan elections, term limits, and at-large elections. Our results show that these institutions have little consistent impact on policy responsiveness in municipal government. These results demonstrate a robust role for citizen policy preferences in determining municipal policy outcomes, but cast doubt on the hypothesis that simple institutional reforms enhance responsiveness in municipal governments.

Municipal governments play a vital role in American democracy, as well as in governments around the world. Despite this, little is known about the degree to which cities are responsive to the views of their citizens. In the past, the unavailability of data on the policy preferences of citizens at the municipal level has limited scholars' ability to study the responsiveness of municipal government. We overcome this problem by using recent advances in opinion estimation to measure the mean policy conservatism in every U.S. city and town with a population above 20,000 people. Despite the supposition in the literature that municipal politics are non-ideological, we find that the policies enacted by cities across a range of policy areas correspond with the liberal-conservative positions of their citizens on national policy issues. In addition, we consider the influence of institutions, such as the presence of an elected mayor, the popular initiative, partisan elections, term limits, and at-large elections. Our results show that these institutions have little consistent impact on policy responsiveness in municipal government. These results demonstrate a robust role for citizen policy preferences in determining municipal policy outcomes, but cast doubt on the hypothesis that simple institutional reforms enhance responsiveness in municipal governments.

Municipal governments play a vital role in American democracy, as well as in governments around the world. Despite this, little is known about the degree to which cities are responsive to the views of their citizens. In the past, the unavailability of data on the policy preferences of citizens at the municipal level has limited scholars' ability to study the responsiveness of municipal government. We overcome this problem by using recent advances in opinion estimation to measure the mean policy conservatism in every U.S. city and town with a population above 20,000 people. Despite the supposition in the literature that municipal politics are non-ideological, we find that the policies enacted by cities across a range of policy areas correspond with the liberal-conservative positions of their citizens on national policy issues. In addition, we consider the influence of institutions, such as the presence of an elected mayor, the popular initiative, partisan elections, term limits, and at-large elections. Our results show that these institutions have little consistent impact on policy responsiveness in municipal government. These results demonstrate a robust role for citizen policy preferences in determining municipal policy outcomes, but cast doubt on the hypothesis that simple institutional reforms enhance responsiveness in municipal governments.

Three major questions are asked in this research regarding women's representation in municipal government in Ontario: Why are there fewer women than men involved in Canadian politics? What factors contribute to this? Do the motivations for running for political office differ between males and females? These questions were answered by first providing a literature review on the relevant literature on women in Canadian politics. A historical look was then taken at women's representation in municipal government in Ontario to decipher if this had an effect on why fewer women run for municipal office in Ontario. Women's representation in municipal government in Ontario was then observed through analyzing statistics provided for the 1980-1988 municipal elections in Ontario. Generally women's representation increased during the 1980-1988 period, although at the end of the period, there was not a high percentage of women's representation. Interviews were then conducted with people had been involved in politics at the municipal level in Essex County in the past or were currently involved. The following conclusions can be drawn from this research. Women had a later start becoming involved in politics in Ontario and thus their representation in politics has been delayed. Once females had the opportunity to vote and run for elections they had female colleagues, which acted as an inhibiting factor for women running for politics. A lot of negative imagery surrounded women in the political arena from the media and society. Women were seen as electoral liabilities and not seen as serious politicians. The way in which women were socialized also acted as a deterrent for women to become involved in politics. Women were often fully in charge of child rearing responsibilities which did not allow them any extra time to become involved in politics. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)Dept. of History, Philosophy, and Political Science. Paper copy at Leddy Library: Theses & Major Papers - Basement, West Bldg. / Call Number: Thesis1995 .R67. Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 34-06, page: 2228. Adviser: Heather Maclvor. Thesis (M.A.)--University of Windsor (Canada), 1995.