The aim of this article is to analyse the views of a public critic of Islam, namely the Swedish Somali-born former Muslim Mona Walter (b. 1973). She has been selected because she has been very active in online media, social media and more 'traditional' forms of media such as print, radio and broadcasting. In my analysis I will discuss whether her thoughts can be viewed as Islamophobic, and if so to what extent. To decide on this matter, I have compared her statements about Islam with how the Runnymede Trust and the Swedish National Council for Crime Prevention (brå) define Islamophobia. The empirical data consist of an online interview with Mona Walter for the Swedish podcast rlm. This particular interview has been chosen for analysis because this program has been associated with anti-Muslim views and is renowned for its strong criticism of Sweden's migration policies and its multicultural society. The interview with Walter is analysed with the help of a content analysis.
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This paper examines the notion of state and leadership according to the contemporary Islamic thought. To be more precise, the paper asks whether it is possible for a non-Muslim to be the president of the majority Muslim country. To answer this, the paper will dwell into the problem of citizenship both in classical and modern Islamic thought by taking into account the political and social situation that shapes this thought. The paper maintains that many Muslims?both in the past and at the present?fail to offer a proper discourse on statehood and leadership in Islamic perspective. The mainstream discourse on this issue?the paper argues?is that which keeps in a good balance the notion of religiosity and citizenship. The rightwing Muslims will provide a textual understanding of the problem, while the left-wing will otherwise offer a secular interpretation of it. This paper will try to keep the two in a balance, and present a fair understanding of what the Qur'an and the Sunnah say about the problem at hand.
'Ausgangspunkt der vorliegenden Studie ist das seit dem 11. September 2001 wieder offenkundig gewordene Problem der Versuchung, politische Probleme mit muslimischen Ländern über Bemühungen, den Islam zu verstehen, zu bewältigen. Doch ein besseres Verständnis von Religion, Kultur und Geschichte der islamischen Völker allein reicht zur Behandlung der politischen Differenzen nicht aus. Kulturdialog kann kein Ersatz für den notwendigen politischen Dialog sein. Notwendig ist, auf die Interessen der Muslime in ihrer existenziellen Situation zu schauen. Diese ist - wie bei uns - prinzipiell von gesellschaftlichen Modernisierungsprozessen und Säkularisierung als einem Teilaspekt von ihnen bestimmt. Doch handelt es sich um Säkulisierungserfahrung unter Fremdbestimmung. Darin liegt der entscheidende Grund dafür, dass die theologisch-ideologische Bearbeitung im Sinne von Bewältigung der Modernisierungsprozesse eine andere ist als in Europa. Die Arbeit gibt einen kursorischen Überblick über die unterschiedlichen Reaktionsformen in der islamischen Welt auf fremdbestimmte Modernisierung seit dem 19. Jahrhundert, von Strategien der Anpassung islamischer Dogmatik an Konzepte der kulturellen Moderne, über islamistische Bewegungen und ihrer Ideologie des 'islamischen Systems' bis hin zum Extremismus des Dschihad-Islam, der auch vor Terror nicht zurückschreckt. Dem schließt sich eine Erörterung der Frage an, was der Kulturdialog angesichts der Vielfalt von Islamverständnis und praktizierter Religion leisten kann. Dabei ist auch auf das Problem der Kulturalisierung von Politik und die Gefahr hinzuweisen, dass neue Kulturgrenzen errichtet werden können. Die abschließenden Empfehlungen sind als konzeptionelle Handreichung zum Thema Islam gedacht. Ihr Kernsatz lautet: Der Islam handelt nicht.' (Autorenreferat)
Islam is the religion of the majority of Arab citizens in Israel and since the late 1970s has become an important factor in their political and socio-cultural identity. This leads to an increasing number of Muslims in Israel who define their identity first and foremost in relation to their religious affiliation. By examining this evolving religious identity during the past four decades and its impact on the religious and socio-cultural aspects of Muslim life in Israel, Muhammad Al-Atawneh and Nohad Ali explore the local nature of Islam. They find that Muslims in Israel seem to rely heavily on the prominent Islamic authorities in the region, perhaps more so than minority Muslims elsewhere. This stems, inter alia, from the fact that Muslims in Israel are the only minority that lives in a land they consider to be holy and see themselves as a natural
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Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- CONTENTS -- LIST OF FIGURES -- PREFACE TO THE SECOND PAPERBACK EDITION -- PREFACE -- ONE: What Is Muslim Politics? -- Imagining Politics -- The Language of Politics -- Doctrine and Political Action -- Setting Boundaries -- TWO: The Invention of Tradition in Muslim Politics -- The "Modernization" of Muslim Societies -- The Blurring of Tradition and Modernity -- The Objectification of Muslim Consciousness -- THREE: Sacred Authority in Contemporary Muslim Societies -- The Linkage of Religion and Politics -- Authority and the Interpretation of Symbols -- Networks of Authority -- FOUR: The "Firmest Tie" and the Ties That Bind: The Politics of Family and Ethnicity -- The Politics of Family -- Women in the Muslim Political Imagination -- Ethnicity -- FIVE: Protest and Bargaining in Muslim Politics -- Membership and Organization -- The Technologies and Culture of Protest -- The Fragmentation of Authority -- SIX: Muslim Politics: A Changing Political Geography -- Transnational Linkages -- The Civic Geography of Muslim Politics -- Of Paradigms and Policies -- NOTES -- GLOSSARY -- ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY -- REFERENCES -- INDEX
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Examines the situation of non-Muslims living in Muslim countries of the Middle East & North Africa during the current period of rapid Islamization. It is argued that the decrease in the proportion of non-Muslims is largely the result of intermarriage & international migration, indicating a receptive attitude within non-Muslim communities to the Muslim environment, as well as openness to the outside world within these nations. The history of religious minorities living in Muslim countries of the Middle East & North Africa is traced from pre-Islamic & colonial times to the present, noting various stages of Islamization, factors that interrupted them, & ways in which nation-states provided an institutional & ideological framework that allowed Islamization to resume. Key reasons for emigration to other countries by members of religious minorities are discussed, along with the impact of intermarriage, & the positive but "silent" forces of differing birth/death rates on the religious composition of populations. Future demographic prospects for non-Muslim minorities in Muslim countries of the Middle East & North Africa are assessed. 1 Table. J. Lindroth
AbstractThis research endeavors to build an egalitarian social order that emphasizes human equality and eradicates all forms of discrimination based on identities created by the current social system, including race, religion, ethnicity, skin color, nationality, etc. This is done because research into issues of citizen equality within Muslim political systems is an interesting part of discourse regarding national diversity and ideological issues in governance. Using an empirical approach, this study analyzes the involvement of non-Muslims in practical politics and government in Muslim-majority areas such as Makassar. The involvement of non-Muslims in practical politics is key to the creation of a democratic system of governance. This study contributes an explanation as to why the recognition of non-Muslims' political rights must not solely be viewed in terms of theory, but also in terms of normative and practical structures, as Islam promotes democratic governance in which equality, justice, and tolerance are realized well and no political discrimination is committed against citizens. Through this, the purity of Islam can remain undistorted and the gap between the practiced reality among this Muslim-majority population and fundamental Islamic teachings can be bridged.Keywords: Muslim's thought; political rights; non-Muslims; Makassar; الملخصيسعى هذا البحث إلى بناء نظام اجتماعي للمساواة الذى يشدد على المساواة بين البشر ويستأصل جميع أشكال التمييز على أساس الهويات التي أنشأها النظام الاجتماعي الحالي، بما في ذلك العرق والدين والعرق ولون البشرة والجنسية وما إلى ذلك. ويتم ذلك لأن البحث في قضايا تعد المساواة بين المواطنين داخل الأنظمة السياسية الإسلامية جزءًا مهمًا من الخطاب المتعلق بالتنوع الوطني والقضايا الأيديولوجية في الحكم. باستخدام منهج تجريبي، تحلل هذه الدراسة مشاركة غير المسلمين في السياسة العملية والحكومة في المناطق ذات الأغلبية المسلمة مثل ماكاسار. إن إشراك غير المسلمين في السياسة العملية هو مفتاح إنشاء نظام حكم ديمقراطي. تسهم هذه الدراسة في تفسير لماذا يجب ألا يُنظر إلى الاعتراف بالحقوق السياسية لغير ...
Examines the situation of non-Muslims living in Muslim countries of the Middle East & North Africa during the current period of rapid Islamization. It is argued that the decrease in the proportion of non-Muslims is largely the result of intermarriage & international migration, indicating a receptive attitude within non-Muslim communities to the Muslim environment, as well as openness to the outside world within these nations. The history of religious minorities living in Muslim countries of the Middle East & North Africa is traced from pre-Islamic & colonial times to the present, noting various stages of Islamization, factors that interrupted them, & ways in which nation-states provided an institutional & ideological framework that allowed Islamization to resume. Key reasons for emigration to other countries by members of religious minorities are discussed, along with the impact of intermarriage, & the positive but "silent" forces of differing birth/death rates on the religious composition of populations. Future demographic prospects for non-Muslim minorities in Muslim countries of the Middle East & North Africa are assessed. 1 Table. J. Lindroth
Abstract In this article, I draw on critical investigations of gendered, racialised and sexualised discourses on Islam and Muslim minorities in Western Europe to explore two recent instances of Muslim female intellectuals and artists responding to what has been dubbed "the Muslim question". I shall show that Muslim women's counter-voices are multilayered, conveyed through various means, and context-dependent, as well as dependent on intersectional marginalised positionalities. My goal is to theoretically rethink the feminist methodology of 'talking back' on the basis of the complex ways in which Muslim women establish modes of critique.