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This paper examines the notion of state and leadership according to the contemporary Islamic thought. To be more precise, the paper asks whether it is possible for a non-Muslim to be the president of the majority Muslim country. To answer this, the paper will dwell into the problem of citizenship both in classical and modern Islamic thought by taking into account the political and social situation that shapes this thought. The paper maintains that many Muslims?both in the past and at the present?fail to offer a proper discourse on statehood and leadership in Islamic perspective. The mainstream discourse on this issue?the paper argues?is that which keeps in a good balance the notion of religiosity and citizenship. The rightwing Muslims will provide a textual understanding of the problem, while the left-wing will otherwise offer a secular interpretation of it. This paper will try to keep the two in a balance, and present a fair understanding of what the Qur'an and the Sunnah say about the problem at hand.

AbstractThis research endeavors to build an egalitarian social order that emphasizes human equality and eradicates all forms of discrimination based on identities created by the current social system, including race, religion, ethnicity, skin color, nationality, etc. This is done because research into issues of citizen equality within Muslim political systems is an interesting part of discourse regarding national diversity and ideological issues in governance. Using an empirical approach, this study analyzes the involvement of non-Muslims in practical politics and government in Muslim-majority areas such as Makassar. The involvement of non-Muslims in practical politics is key to the creation of a democratic system of governance. This study contributes an explanation as to why the recognition of non-Muslims' political rights must not solely be viewed in terms of theory, but also in terms of normative and practical structures, as Islam promotes democratic governance in which equality, justice, and tolerance are realized well and no political discrimination is committed against citizens. Through this, the purity of Islam can remain undistorted and the gap between the practiced reality among this Muslim-majority population and fundamental Islamic teachings can be bridged.Keywords: Muslim's thought; political rights; non-Muslims; Makassar; الملخصيسعى هذا البحث إلى بناء نظام اجتماعي للمساواة الذى يشدد على المساواة بين البشر ويستأصل جميع أشكال التمييز على أساس الهويات التي أنشأها النظام الاجتماعي الحالي، بما في ذلك العرق والدين والعرق ولون البشرة والجنسية وما إلى ذلك. ويتم ذلك لأن البحث في قضايا تعد المساواة بين المواطنين داخل الأنظمة السياسية الإسلامية جزءًا مهمًا من الخطاب المتعلق بالتنوع الوطني والقضايا الأيديولوجية في الحكم. باستخدام منهج تجريبي، تحلل هذه الدراسة مشاركة غير المسلمين في السياسة العملية والحكومة في المناطق ذات الأغلبية المسلمة مثل ماكاسار. إن إشراك غير المسلمين في السياسة العملية هو مفتاح إنشاء نظام حكم ديمقراطي. تسهم هذه الدراسة في تفسير لماذا يجب ألا يُنظر إلى الاعتراف بالحقوق السياسية لغير ...

Die Autorin beschäftigt sich in ihrem Beitrag mit der religiösen Identität der tatarischen Muslime und zeigt anhand empirischer Daten aus einer repräsentativen Umfrage, dass sich eine kontinuierliche Entwicklung des religiösen Bewusstseins vollzieht. Dieser Prozess findet auf einer pro-aktiven Ebene und einem hohen professionellen Niveau besonders in Tatarstan statt, wo die lokale Verwaltung in der Regel auf die wissenschaftliche Beratung hin reagiert. Die Interaktion zwischen akademischen Forschern und Politikern war auch einer der Hauptgründe, warum Tatarstan, wo der Islam und die Orthodoxie gleichermaßen stark sind, es geschafft haben, frei von interreligiösen und interethnischen Konflikten auch während der schwierigen Zeit der Gründung der russischen Staatlichkeit zu agieren. (ICI).

This paper examines the Quranic perspective on Muslim voting for non-Muslim candidate leader in the election. It discusses the position of non-Muslim in a majority Muslim and democratic Indonesia and serves as a response to contemporary political rallies against the candidacy of non-Muslim. The Jakarta Governor election in 2017 clearly demonstrated how Muslim politics define non-Muslim in democracy. Examining important concepts on leadership, mainly the doctrine of khalifah, uli al-amr, imam, and awliya', explained in the Qur'an, this article further argues that this holy scripture has defined criteria of leader for the Muslim. Faith and competencies of leadership candidate serve as main references when Muslim send their vote in the election. In political affairs or nashb al-imamah, Muslim is supposed to vote for Muslim candidate while also having obligation to guarantee the fulfillment of civic rights, particularly for non-Muslim.

Integration ist ein komplementärer und reziproker Prozess, in dem sowohl der Migrant die Bereitschaft zur Einfügung in die vielfältigen Strukturen des Aufnahmelandes mitbringen oder zusehends reifen lassen muss, als auch das Aufnahmeland die Bereitschaft haben oder noch entwickeln muss, diese Strukturen dem Neuankömmling zu öffnen und ihn aufzunehmen. Diese Minimalbestimmung des Begriffs der Integration eröffnet ein weites Feld möglicher Integrationsmodelle und empirischer Integrationspolitiken. Die Autoren unterscheiden hier drei idealtypische Integrationsmodelle: das Assimilationsmodell, das Akkulturationsmodell und das Modell einer segmentierten multikulturellen Gesellschaft. Diese Modelle sind in Deutschland in den letzten Jahren diskutiert worden: von der eher dem Assimilationsmodell entsprechenden Idee der deutschen "Leitkultur" bis hin zu einem "naiven" Multikulturalismus. Die Lösung dieses Streites ist für die Autoren in der Mitte zwischen diesen "extremen" Modellen zu finden. Vor diesem Hintergrund diskutiert der Beitrag Fragen von rechtlicher, wirtschaftlicher, soziokultureller, religiöser und sprachlicher Integration von Muslimen in Deutschland. (ICA2)

"I have grown up here so I believe it is my place. I don't feel that I am an outsider. This is my country. I had my education here and I am very pleased that I am a British Muslim."—Focus group respondentMuslims in London highlights the complexities around belonging and identity amongst Muslim and non-Muslim residents living in Waltham Forest, one of London's 2012 Olympic boroughs. The research reveals that that local not national identity is strongest for Muslims in Waltham Forest. The situation is exactly the reverse for non-Muslims in the borough, who feel a stronger attachment to Britain than their neighbourhood.The research offers the most up to date insight on how Muslims in one of London's most diverse boroughs really feel about where they live and what's stopping them from feeling they belong in Britain.By engaging with communities and policymakers, local experts heading the research explored the primary concerns of Muslim residents in Waltham Forest. Issues addressed include education, employment, health, housing and social protection, citizenship and political participation, policing and security, media, belonging and identity.The report acts on its findings by offering a series of recommendations for local and national authorities, Muslim communities and other minority groups, NGOs and community organizations, the media, and broader civil society.Muslims in London is the tenth report in the Muslims in EU Cities series produced by the Open Society Foundations At Home in Europe Project. It is the result of research that examines the level and nature of integration of Muslims in 11 cities across Europe (Antwerp, Amsterdam, Berlin, Copenhagen, Hamburg, Leicester, London, Marseille, Paris, Rotterdam, and Stockholm).

The article investigates the social relations between Indonesian immigrants and the multicultural Muslim community in London by examining the applicability of the Ummah concept, in the context of the diaspora. The Muslim diaspora, though their similarity of faith, has always contained internal diversity and fragmentation. Likewise, different religious trajectories of Muslim immigrants as illustrated by Indonesians in London have been identified to shape different understandings of unity and diversity of Muslims, which forge different forms of social relation with fellow Muslim immigrants in the city. The traditionalist London Indonesians have trivialized the unity of Muslim in diaspora through daily encounters yet maintained inevitable different ethnic affinities and religious-sectarian affiliations as a wall dividing them altogether. The revivalist Indonesians have construed the diasporic unity of Muslims as an idealized-normative concept that should be realized socially, culturally and politically by suppressing internal ethnic, national and religious-sectarian fragmentations. While the secularist Indonesians have shown an apathetic position to the implausibility of the diasporic unity of Muslims due to its irreconcilable perceived internal diversities and divisions.Artikel ini menelaah pola relasi sosial antara imigran Indonesia dengan masyarakat Muslim multikultural di London dengan menguji kesesuaian konsep kesatuan Ummat Islam dalam konteks diaspora. Meskipun memiliki persamaan iman, diaspora Muslim selalu terbangun dalam perbedaan internal dan perpecahan. Demikian pula dengan arah perkembangan religiusitas imigran Muslim yang beraneka-ragam termasuk yang berasal dari Indonesia yang pada akhirnya membentuk beberapa pola relasi sosial dengan komunitas Muslim lainnya di kota ini. Kelompok Muslim Indonesia tradisional menganggap biasa konsep kesatuan Ummat Islam dalam perjumpaan sehari-hari dengan komunitas Muslim lainnya sehingga tetap menjaga jarak berdasarkan perbedaan etnis dan afiliasi tradisi keagamaannya. Kelompok Muslim Indonesia revivalist memahami kesatuan Ummat sebagai konsep ideal yang perlu direalisasikan dalam kehidupan sosial, budaya dan politik sekaligus mengubur potensi perpecahan karena perbedaan etnis dan tradisi keagamaan. Sebaliknya, kelompok imigran Indonesia sekuler menunjukkan sikap apatis terhadap kesatuan Ummat karena adanya perbedaan dan perpecahan internal Ummat Islam yang tidak mungkin didamaikan.

MUSMINE - Muslim Minorities in Europe ; This paper examines the potential for accommodating Muslim legal and ethical norms within European liberal democracies. It focuses on areas of personal life such as family norms and ethics. The main argument of the paper is that in some areas - such as divorce or contract law - there is potential for accommodating Muslim legal and ethical norms within mainstream political and legal institutions. The advantage of this strategy is that it can encourage Muslims to identify with national political and legal institutions. This strategy can, in turn, encourage the integration of Muslims into mainstream European institutions and promote the goals of social cohesion. However, the accommodation of some religious and cultural norms in this way can create a risk of harm to women. Therefore, there need to be special processes to ensure that Muslim women's autonomy is safeguarded. The paper includes a case study and discussion of Muslim family law arbitration, and the use of 'sharia tribunals', in Great Britain.

Op Eds, or opinion editorials, are typically published in daily newspapers and can raise awareness about a particular topic or aim to persuade others. For this project each student wrote an op-ed in which they presented their opinion or thoughts about the issue of islamophobic discourse coming from Republican candidates, especially Donald Trump.

In diesem Beitrag geht es um Jugendliche in modernisierten Gesellschaften, deren Migrationshintergrund durch den Islam und durch traditionell arabisch orientalische Wertvorstellungen geprägt ist. Bei der Betrachtung der muslimischen Religiosität gehe ich davon aus, dass Religiosität - wie auch immer die je konkrete Glaubenspraxis aussieht - eine alltagsweltliche Bedeutung hat, indem sie direkt oder implizit Handlungs- und Deutungsmuster strukturiert. Im Hinblick auf die Jugendphase bedeutet dies, dass die sozial-kulturellen Hintergründe einen prägenden und strukturierenden Einfluss auf adoleszente Wandlungsprozesse haben, insbesondere auf innerfamiliäre Adoleszenzkonflikte (King 2002:43). Die Verbindung aus einem adoleszenz und religionstheoretischen Zugang ermöglicht es, sowohl die sozialisatorische Bedeutung als auch die strukturelle Bedeutung von muslimischer Religiosität in den Lebensgeschichten zu rekonstruieren; dies wird geschieht anhand von Interviews aus einem deutsch-französischen Kooperationsprojekt.