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This paper examines the notion of state and leadership according to the contemporary Islamic thought. To be more precise, the paper asks whether it is possible for a non-Muslim to be the president of the majority Muslim country. To answer this, the paper will dwell into the problem of citizenship both in classical and modern Islamic thought by taking into account the political and social situation that shapes this thought. The paper maintains that many Muslims?both in the past and at the present?fail to offer a proper discourse on statehood and leadership in Islamic perspective. The mainstream discourse on this issue?the paper argues?is that which keeps in a good balance the notion of religiosity and citizenship. The rightwing Muslims will provide a textual understanding of the problem, while the left-wing will otherwise offer a secular interpretation of it. This paper will try to keep the two in a balance, and present a fair understanding of what the Qur'an and the Sunnah say about the problem at hand.

AbstractThis research endeavors to build an egalitarian social order that emphasizes human equality and eradicates all forms of discrimination based on identities created by the current social system, including race, religion, ethnicity, skin color, nationality, etc. This is done because research into issues of citizen equality within Muslim political systems is an interesting part of discourse regarding national diversity and ideological issues in governance. Using an empirical approach, this study analyzes the involvement of non-Muslims in practical politics and government in Muslim-majority areas such as Makassar. The involvement of non-Muslims in practical politics is key to the creation of a democratic system of governance. This study contributes an explanation as to why the recognition of non-Muslims' political rights must not solely be viewed in terms of theory, but also in terms of normative and practical structures, as Islam promotes democratic governance in which equality, justice, and tolerance are realized well and no political discrimination is committed against citizens. Through this, the purity of Islam can remain undistorted and the gap between the practiced reality among this Muslim-majority population and fundamental Islamic teachings can be bridged.Keywords: Muslim's thought; political rights; non-Muslims; Makassar; الملخصيسعى هذا البحث إلى بناء نظام اجتماعي للمساواة الذى يشدد على المساواة بين البشر ويستأصل جميع أشكال التمييز على أساس الهويات التي أنشأها النظام الاجتماعي الحالي، بما في ذلك العرق والدين والعرق ولون البشرة والجنسية وما إلى ذلك. ويتم ذلك لأن البحث في قضايا تعد المساواة بين المواطنين داخل الأنظمة السياسية الإسلامية جزءًا مهمًا من الخطاب المتعلق بالتنوع الوطني والقضايا الأيديولوجية في الحكم. باستخدام منهج تجريبي، تحلل هذه الدراسة مشاركة غير المسلمين في السياسة العملية والحكومة في المناطق ذات الأغلبية المسلمة مثل ماكاسار. إن إشراك غير المسلمين في السياسة العملية هو مفتاح إنشاء نظام حكم ديمقراطي. تسهم هذه الدراسة في تفسير لماذا يجب ألا يُنظر إلى الاعتراف بالحقوق السياسية لغير ...

This paper examines the Quranic perspective on Muslim voting for non-Muslim candidate leader in the election. It discusses the position of non-Muslim in a majority Muslim and democratic Indonesia and serves as a response to contemporary political rallies against the candidacy of non-Muslim. The Jakarta Governor election in 2017 clearly demonstrated how Muslim politics define non-Muslim in democracy. Examining important concepts on leadership, mainly the doctrine of khalifah, uli al-amr, imam, and awliya', explained in the Qur'an, this article further argues that this holy scripture has defined criteria of leader for the Muslim. Faith and competencies of leadership candidate serve as main references when Muslim send their vote in the election. In political affairs or nashb al-imamah, Muslim is supposed to vote for Muslim candidate while also having obligation to guarantee the fulfillment of civic rights, particularly for non-Muslim.

"I have grown up here so I believe it is my place. I don't feel that I am an outsider. This is my country. I had my education here and I am very pleased that I am a British Muslim."—Focus group respondentMuslims in London highlights the complexities around belonging and identity amongst Muslim and non-Muslim residents living in Waltham Forest, one of London's 2012 Olympic boroughs. The research reveals that that local not national identity is strongest for Muslims in Waltham Forest. The situation is exactly the reverse for non-Muslims in the borough, who feel a stronger attachment to Britain than their neighbourhood.The research offers the most up to date insight on how Muslims in one of London's most diverse boroughs really feel about where they live and what's stopping them from feeling they belong in Britain.By engaging with communities and policymakers, local experts heading the research explored the primary concerns of Muslim residents in Waltham Forest. Issues addressed include education, employment, health, housing and social protection, citizenship and political participation, policing and security, media, belonging and identity.The report acts on its findings by offering a series of recommendations for local and national authorities, Muslim communities and other minority groups, NGOs and community organizations, the media, and broader civil society.Muslims in London is the tenth report in the Muslims in EU Cities series produced by the Open Society Foundations At Home in Europe Project. It is the result of research that examines the level and nature of integration of Muslims in 11 cities across Europe (Antwerp, Amsterdam, Berlin, Copenhagen, Hamburg, Leicester, London, Marseille, Paris, Rotterdam, and Stockholm).

The article investigates the social relations between Indonesian immigrants and the multicultural Muslim community in London by examining the applicability of the Ummah concept, in the context of the diaspora. The Muslim diaspora, though their similarity of faith, has always contained internal diversity and fragmentation. Likewise, different religious trajectories of Muslim immigrants as illustrated by Indonesians in London have been identified to shape different understandings of unity and diversity of Muslims, which forge different forms of social relation with fellow Muslim immigrants in the city. The traditionalist London Indonesians have trivialized the unity of Muslim in diaspora through daily encounters yet maintained inevitable different ethnic affinities and religious-sectarian affiliations as a wall dividing them altogether. The revivalist Indonesians have construed the diasporic unity of Muslims as an idealized-normative concept that should be realized socially, culturally and politically by suppressing internal ethnic, national and religious-sectarian fragmentations. While the secularist Indonesians have shown an apathetic position to the implausibility of the diasporic unity of Muslims due to its irreconcilable perceived internal diversities and divisions.Artikel ini menelaah pola relasi sosial antara imigran Indonesia dengan masyarakat Muslim multikultural di London dengan menguji kesesuaian konsep kesatuan Ummat Islam dalam konteks diaspora. Meskipun memiliki persamaan iman, diaspora Muslim selalu terbangun dalam perbedaan internal dan perpecahan. Demikian pula dengan arah perkembangan religiusitas imigran Muslim yang beraneka-ragam termasuk yang berasal dari Indonesia yang pada akhirnya membentuk beberapa pola relasi sosial dengan komunitas Muslim lainnya di kota ini. Kelompok Muslim Indonesia tradisional menganggap biasa konsep kesatuan Ummat Islam dalam perjumpaan sehari-hari dengan komunitas Muslim lainnya sehingga tetap menjaga jarak berdasarkan perbedaan etnis dan afiliasi tradisi keagamaannya. Kelompok Muslim Indonesia revivalist memahami kesatuan Ummat sebagai konsep ideal yang perlu direalisasikan dalam kehidupan sosial, budaya dan politik sekaligus mengubur potensi perpecahan karena perbedaan etnis dan tradisi keagamaan. Sebaliknya, kelompok imigran Indonesia sekuler menunjukkan sikap apatis terhadap kesatuan Ummat karena adanya perbedaan dan perpecahan internal Ummat Islam yang tidak mungkin didamaikan.

MUSMINE - Muslim Minorities in Europe ; This paper examines the potential for accommodating Muslim legal and ethical norms within European liberal democracies. It focuses on areas of personal life such as family norms and ethics. The main argument of the paper is that in some areas - such as divorce or contract law - there is potential for accommodating Muslim legal and ethical norms within mainstream political and legal institutions. The advantage of this strategy is that it can encourage Muslims to identify with national political and legal institutions. This strategy can, in turn, encourage the integration of Muslims into mainstream European institutions and promote the goals of social cohesion. However, the accommodation of some religious and cultural norms in this way can create a risk of harm to women. Therefore, there need to be special processes to ensure that Muslim women's autonomy is safeguarded. The paper includes a case study and discussion of Muslim family law arbitration, and the use of 'sharia tribunals', in Great Britain.

Op Eds, or opinion editorials, are typically published in daily newspapers and can raise awareness about a particular topic or aim to persuade others. For this project each student wrote an op-ed in which they presented their opinion or thoughts about the issue of islamophobic discourse coming from Republican candidates, especially Donald Trump.

Artikel ini berupaya menelusuri secara analisis radikalisme dan terorisme di negara-negara Muslim dan non-Muslim. Penelusuran data merujuk pada "Country Reports on Terrorism 2017" laporan Biro Anti Terorisme Amerika Serikat, yang dirilis bulan September 2018. Dapat disimpulkan bahwa pemaknaan dan identifikasi terhadap radikalisme dan terorisme masih ambigu. Bagi Barat sendiri (AS) radikalisme dan terorisme adalah segala hal yang menentang dan bertentangan dengan Barat. Apa yang diistilahkan sebagai radikalisme dan terorisme hanyalah values judgment yang belum tentu sesuai dengan fakta, bahkan dibuat untuk—dalam konteks politik global—melanggengkan hegemoni Barat terhadap dunia Muslim.

Islam di Indonesia telah mendapat perhatian akademik yang cukup besar. Salah satu penemuan pentingnya adalah kategorisasi kepercayaan dan perilaku orang Islam, yang membuktikan pluralitas Islam. Namun demikian, kategorisasi-kategorisasi – seperti santri-abangan-priayi, tradisionalis-modernis, politikal-kultural, fundamentalis-liberal, great tradition-little tradition, dan global-lokal, harus disikapi secara kritis. Kategorisasi yang paling tepat adalah yang lebih dekat kepada kenyataan. Santri-abangan-priayi yang dikembangkan pada tahun 1960-an menunjukkan sentrisme Jawa dalam studi Islam Indonesia dan memperlihatkan suatu sistem tertutup yang statis, yang harus hati-hati ketika digunakan untuk menunjuk orang Islam di luar Jawa dan di masa sekarang.

This overview of American Muslim politics surveys the major communities and organizations of Muslims in the USA and their discourses before and after 11 September 2001. African Americans, Arab Americans and South Asian Americans are the three largest groups, and, after setting out their differences, the political discourses and practices drawing them together in American politics are analyzed. The important conflict between the many new, western-educated professional leaders of the Muslim political coalitions in the US, whose knowledge of classical Islamic civilization and law is not great, and the fewer numbers of classically-trained legal scholars is discussed, leading to a review of personal issues that are also intensely political, particularly those concerning gender roles. 11 September produced challenges to the new professional leadership from the mainstream American media and government officials, opening up the field of discourse about Muslims in America. This has led to a greater focus on US domestic issues and perhaps a larger role for the young generation of American Muslims. The overall trajectory is that of an evolving and distinctively American set of Muslim discourses and practices.

This paper tries to explain the relationship between Muslims' problems and violence in the light of a clear distinction between Islam and Islamic political thought. This research emphasizes on the fact that Koran and Sunnah aim at guiding mankind to the right path of knowing and worshipping God; they are not political treatises; Islam could live without a Muslim State even before the instauration of the prophet's State; nowadays, millions of Muslims live under the rule of non Muslim governments or Muslim governments that do not enforce the Islamic law, yet Islam continues to flourish; hence, no Islamic political thought, albeit useful and justified at a certain time, place, or circumstances is to be sanctified because that will certainly lead to a political blockage which could yield violence.

Ende des 20. Jahrhunderts lebten im Balkanraum - von Bosnien-Herzegowina, über Albanien, Kosovo, den Sandschak und Makedonien bis nach Thrakien und Bulgarien - zwischen 8 und 8,5 Millionen Muslime unterschiedlicher Sprache und Herkunft. Die größten Gruppen bildeten die auf sechs Staaten bzw. Teilrepubliken aufgeteilten Albaner (die mehrheitlich, aber nicht ausschließlich muslimisch waren), die bosnischen Muslime, die Türken sowie die Roma und Sinti, gefolgt von den kleineren Gruppen der slawisch sprechenden Muslime in Bulgarien, Griechenland, Makedonien und Teilen Albaniens und Kosovos. Im Unterschied zu den muslimischen Bevölkerungsgruppen in Westeuropa, die mehrheitlich erst während der letzten Jahrzehnte zugewandert sind, handelt es sich bei den Balkan-Muslimen um alteingesessene Bevölkerungsgruppen. Zum größten Teil sind sie ein Erbe der osmanischen Herrschaft, einer Zeit, die in der Wahrnehmung der (West)Europäer mit der politischen Hegemonie des Islam über die christliche Bevölkerung, nicht selten auch mit "asiatischer Despotie" "Rückständigkeit" und "Bedrohung" assoziiert wurde. Auch die christlichen Völker des ehemaligen osmanischen Balkans definierten seit dem 19. Jahrhundert ihre nationale und europäische Identität in Abgrenzung zum Islam und den orientalischen "Türken". Sie wollten einen Platz in den "Reihen der zivilisierten europäischen Nationen" einnehmen und am Fortschritt teilhaben, welcher für sie gleichbedeutend mit "der Zugehörigkeit zu Europa" war. "Europa" stand stellvertretend für den "Westen". "Rückkehr nach Europa" und "Verwestlichung" wurden abwechselnd zur Bezeichnung ein und desselben Annäherungsprozesses. Die Muslime wurden hierbei als eine "Verunreinigung" bzw. als eine unerwünschte Hinterlassenschaft wahrgenommen, sie galten als "uneuropäisch", "osmanisch" und "balkanisch". In der Politik der Balkanstaaten bedeuteten "Modernisierung" und "Europäisierung" zugleich eine Entosmanisierung und Entislamisierung.

Basically, a Muslim does not leave the Muslim community, but with the development of Islam many problems occur. The departure of the Prophet Yusuf from the Muslim community has been described in the Qur'an. He served various maturity processes under the guidance of Allah al-Mighty. The figure of the Prophet Yusuf has been depicted and immortalized as a shadow ruler who officially served as minister of finance, agriculture and head of the logistics affairs agency. The question arises whether a Muslim can become a non-Muslim leader who will later be neglected and will have a negative impact on the faith and syari'ah carried out by Muslim leaders who control non-Muslim governments. With literature study and content analysis approach, the writer describes the literature qualitatively about the status of Muslims who are in the midst of non-Muslims and vice versa, to dismiss the opinion of good kafirs who are more worthy of being leaders than evil and corrupt Muslims. A Muslim can become a leader in the midst of non-Muslims for the benefit and preaching of Islam as was done by the Prophet Yusuf A.S, who proved himself clean after leaving prison. The criteria for a leader in Islam are flexible enough that sometimes a Muslim who is not consistent with sharia rules can sometimes bring great benefits to Muslims. Not only that, many Muslim leaders who were very instrumental in protecting Muslims and spreading Islam in Russia such as Berke Khan have deployed infidel armies to protect Muslims from destruction.Pada dasarnya seorang muslim tidak meninggalkan komunitas muslimnya, akan tetapi seiring perkembangan islam banyak masalah yang muncul. Hengkangnya Nabi Yusuf dari komunitas Muslim telah dijelaskan dalam Alquran. Dia menjalani berbagai proses pendewasaan di bawah bimbingan Allah swt. Sosok Nabi Yusuf telah digambarkan dan diabadikan sebagai penguasa bayangan yang resmi menjabat sebagai menteri keuangan, pertanian, dan kepala badan logistik. Timbul pertanyaan apakah seorang Muslim bisa menjadi pemimpin non-Muslim yang nantinya akan terabaikan dan berdampak negatif pada keimanan dan syari'at yang diemban oleh tokoh Muslim yang menguasai pemerintahan non-Muslim. Dengan pendekatan studi pustaka dan analisis isi, penulis mendeskripsikan literatur secara kualitatif tentang status umat Islam yang berada di tengah-tengah non-Muslim dan sebaliknya, untuk menepis pendapat seorang kafir yang baik lebih layak menjadi pemimpin daripada seorang Muslim yang jahat dan korup. Seorang Muslim bisa menjadi pemimpin di tengah-tengah non-Muslim untuk kemaslahatan dan dakwah Islam seperti yang dilakukan oleh Nabi Yusuf A.S yang membuktikan dirinya bersih setelah keluar dari penjara. Kriteria seorang pemimpin dalam Islam cukup fleksibel sehingga terkadang seorang Muslim yang tidak konsisten dengan aturan syariah dapat membawa manfaat yang besar bagi umat Islam. Tidak hanya itu, banyak pemimpin Muslim yang sangat berjasa dalam melindungi umat Islam dan menyebarkan Islam di Rusia seperti Berke Khan yang telah mengerahkan pasukan kafir untuk melindungi umat Islam dari kehancuran.

This article presents an overview of various ways in which Buddhists and Muslims have lived together in Indonesia since the arrival of Islam about 1200. It tells how Buddhism has slowly disappeared and become a religion for mainly the Chinese who, until the late 19th century, have often converted to Islam. This article analyzes the role of three key figures in the recent government–supported revival of Buddhism. These figures are the Chinese–Indonesian monk Ashin Jinarakkhita, the Balinese lay devotee and government official Oka Diputhera, and the Chinese–Indonesian businesswoman Sri Hartati Murdaya. They have tried to accommodate Buddhism to the Muslim–dominated nationalism of modern Indonesia. The result of the past five decades is that Buddhism has obtained a modest but safe position in independent Indonesia.DOI:10.15408/sdi.v20i1.346

This paper explores the dynamics of Pro-Muslim policies in the Kingdom of Cambodia, specifically related to halal institutionalization and the legalization of the hijab. Both are basic needs (dharuriyat) in Islamic Law, although the second is debatable. According to most early-period scholars (ulama klasik), these two policies could only be fulfilled in an Islamic state. Instead, the Cambodian Royal Government issued two policies in favour of Muslims practicing both needs. This research is qualitative research that uses an anthropological approach. Researchers collected data through observation, in-depth interviews, and documentation on policy documents, news, and articles that can be trusted. Interviews took place non-formally, face-to-face, and online via the internet. This paper argues that the pro-Muslim policies issued provide halal assurance for the consumption of the Muslims in the country (2% of the total population) and potentially improve the their socio-economy in the food and beverage industry and tourism. The legalization of the hijab guarantees that Muslim women can engage in public spaces freely without worrying about discrimination because of their identity and what they wear. Tulisan ini mengeksplorasi dinamika kebijakan Pro-Muslim di Negara Kerajaan Kamboja, secara spesifik terkait dengan kebijakan pelembagaan halal dan legalisasi hijab. Keduanya merupakan kebutuhan dasar (dharuriyat) dalam Hukum Islam, meskipun yang kedua masih diperdebatkan. Menurut mayoritas ulama periode awal, dua kebijakan ini hanya bisa terpenuhi di negara Islam. Sebaliknya, Pemerintah Kerajaan Kamboja,yang secara resmi menganut Buddhisme sebagai agama resmi negara, mengeluarkan dua kebijakan yang mendukung Muslim dengan mudah mengamalkan kedua kebutuhan tersebut. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian kualitatif yang menggunakan pendekatan antropologis. Peneliti mengumpulkan data-data melalui observasi, indepth-interview, dan dokumentasi terhadap dokumen kebijakan, berita, dan artikel yang bisa dipercaya. Interview berlangsung ...