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The use of mythology in renaissance is of utmost importance. The reason for mythology found in the renaissance texts was because renaissance figures thought that it is important to know about these myths and classical philosophes since ancient Greece and Rome were equipped with democracy and civilization. Thus their ideas might be used and welcomed. Marlowe makes ample use of mythology in his tragedies. However, in Faustus we see the failure of mythology. In spite of his love for mythology in this tragedy mythology fails to help Marlowe a lot in bringing it as a candidate side by side with Christianity. Though the giant of Renaissance drama welcomes mythology and proposes necromancy to his hero Faustus at the end of the tragedy it is Christianity which has the upper hand and the hero turns into a pathetic figure who is no longer arrogant and proud and is torn into pieces tragically.

This article is dedicated to an in-depth discussion of the theme "community" and the implications the multiple meanings of community hold for the field of qualitative research. This theme surfaced from Waldern's 2003 study entitled Resistance to Research in Vancouver's Downtown Eastside, which dealt with participant resistance to joining research efforts, and deserves the attention of all social researchers. In this article, the politics of the rese arch process are discussed to evaluate and suggest improvements for reflexive methods of inquiry. Determining that the idea of "community research " is a myth, this work is concerned about making qualitative methods more sensitive to social inequality without compromising their rigour

Abstract only ; This is a descriptive study on literature using content analysis. It is based on the theory on literary research set by Altick and Fenstermaker (1993) for textual study and literary history. It aimed to examine the operating social systems within the texts of Early Bisayan mythology. The basic objectives of the study were to identify the components of power, kinship, territorial, proprietary, and value systems. Manuscripts of epics, myths, and legends were collected, read, and analyzed. Characters were identified and categorized. The Power system dominates Early Bisayan mythology. The concept of a supreme god and creator was consistently observed varying only in the names given to them. The supreme power is assigned to the elements of wind and water followed by deities called diwata in Hiligaynon. The kinship system permeates mythology, among the elements, deities, and mortals. The territorial system includes dominion over a certain element, part of nature, political division, or human host habitation by spirits. The proprietary system was moderately observed among mortals through the ownership of slaves and personal properties. The value system is dominant with a clear reference to right and wrong, reward and punishment. The highest value goes to obedience and industry being the ones that deities reward. The subjugation system, was also observed in the characters of monsters or creatures that a hero is expected to defeat to be worthy of his stature. On the whole, six social systems are active in Early Bisayan mythology involving deities, mortals and supernatural characters.

Reprint of the 1915 ed. published by Government Printing Bureau, Ottawa, which was issued as no. 16 of Canada Geological Survey, Museum bulletin, and no. 6 of its [Memoir.no.1-14,] Anthropological series. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This article deals with a specific semiotic connection established between mythology and politics that can be helpful in terms of explaining and understanding a very complex semiotization of Kosovo in South Slavic cultures. The author analyzes a poetic definition of Kosovo offered by Matija Bećković – "Kosovo is the most expensive Serbian word", because in politics, just like in mythology, everything is about words and their meaning , and not about facts.

Abstract The modern trend of using myth in literature is not a mere ornamental but a reason to entail some political pronouncement by writers. According to some theoreticians myth is political and it has always been used to propagate political agendas. Indian Dharmasastras present code of conducts for Indian women which have been imposed by mythology. According to Indian mythology and dharmasastras Sita, Savitri who follow 'pativrata' dharma are the symbol of perfect women. Contemporary writers revisit and rewritecanonical myths. This paper analyses C.S.Lakshmi's Forest and exploreshow writers revisit and question myths and by making a new myth, how they are providing a new identity and voice to the women characters.

Ko je mit o Evropi sprejet kot evropski utemeljitveni mit, postanejo vprašanja o izvoru in pomenu mita o Evropi in imena Evropa vprašanja o izvoru in pomenu Evrope. Ta vprašanja, ki nosijo s sabo velike teme o kulturni dediščini in rasnem izvoru, lahko zato postanejo ključnega pomena pri konstruiranju »evropske civilizacije«. Mit o Evropi deluje kot prizma, skozi katero gledamo svetovno zgodovino. Velja pa tudi, da svetovna zgodovina, kakor jo želimo videti, mesto, ki ga v njej dodelimo Evropi, in vrednotenje »evropske civilizacije«, ki ga sprejemamo, določajo interpretacije mita o Evropi in imena Evropa. Ta članek obravnava razprave med zgodovinarji antičnega sveta in mitologi v 19. in 20. stoletju, ki so se vrtele okrog izvora Evrope kot kulturno-politične entitete in kot mitskega lika, in se pri tem osredotoča na vprašanja morebitnega semitskega izvora mitske Evrope in »evropske kulture« oziroma »civilizacije« ter na meje Evrope. Politične motivacije in cilji tistih razprav so se artikulirali v kontekstu širjenja kolonializma in antisemitizma, vzpona nacizma in dveh svetovnih vojn. ; Once the myth of Europa is seen as the European foundational myth, questions regarding the origin and meaning of the myth of Europa and of the word Europa itself become questions of the origins and meaning of Europe. These questions, involving the large issues of cultural heritage and racial descent, can thus become of central importance for the construction of "European civilization". The myth of Europa functions as a prism through which we see world history. At the same time, the way one wants to see world history – and Europe's place therein – and the value one attaches to "European civilization" determine interpretations of the myth of Europa and of the name Europa. The article surveys the nineteenth- and twentieth-century debates among historians of Classical antiquity and mythologists over the origins of Europa and Europe, with a special focus on the presumed or denied Semitic origins of the mythical figure Europa and of "European culture" or "civilization", as well as on the frontiers of Europe. The politics of those debates were articulated in the context of the advancement of colonialism and anti-Semitism, the rise of Nazism, and two world wars.

Deze studie richt zich op de ideologische cultivereing van Oudnoordse mythologie in de context van IJslands groeiende nationale zelfbewustzijn in de periode tussen ca. 1820 en 1918. IJslands middeleeuwse Edda´s zijn, sinds de middeleeuwen, door Denen, Noren, Duitsers en Engelsen toegeëigend en geïnstrumentaliseerd, en werden eerder omschreven als ´Noords´, ´Scandinavisch´ of ´Germaans´ dan als IJslands. Debatten over Oudnoordse cultuur hebben niet alleen IJslandse, maar ook andere Europese vertogen over culturele identiteit mede-gevormd. In de loop van de negentiende eeuw raakten IJslandse intellectuelen geïnspireerd door het romantisch nationalisme, en begonnen zij ´hun´ culturele erfgoed voor zichzelf op te eisen, ondermeer door de mythen in nieuwe, uitgesproken IJslandse interpretatiekaders te plaatsen. De nationalisering van de Edda´s voltrok zich op de lange termijn en nam vele verschillende vormen aan in dichtkunst en de beeldende kunsten, in de vorm van ´invented traditions´ en in spirituele bewegingen, in tijdschriften en kranten, in publieke ruimtes en in academische debatten over geschiedenis, Oudnoordse filologie en folklore. Hoe verhield de IJslandse omgang met de mythen zich tot de ontwikkeling van een moderne culturele en politieke identiteit? Hoe werden uiteenlopende ideeën omtrend IJslands nationale karakter uitgedrukt en overgedragen door middel van mythologische beelden? Bijzondere aandacht wordt geschonken aan de rol van mythen in nationale vertogen, vooral in relatie tot dat andere populaire middeleeuwse genre: de Saga´s van de IJslanders. In deze studie worden deze veelzijdige ontwikkelingen (die zich voltrokken in de veelbewogen eeuw voor IJslands onafhankelijkheid van 1918) geanalyseerd en in kaart gebracht in een breed scala aan verbonden disciplines. De nationale cultivering van de Edda´s reikte veel verder dan het gebied van de literaire esthetica, en was verstrengeld met verschijdene politieke ideologieën. De interactie tussen cultuur, wetenschap en politiek vormt de kern van deze interdisciplinaire studie. ; This study focuses on the ideological cultivation of Old Norse mythology in the context of Iceland's growing national self-awareness in the period between ca. 1820 and 1918. Iceland's medieval Eddas have, in post-medieval times, been appropriated and instrumentalised by Danes, Norwegians, Germans and English, and were labelled 'Nordic', 'Scandinavian' or 'Germanic' rather than Icelandic. Debates on Old Norse-Icelandic culture have shaped not only Icelandic, but also Nordic and other European discourses on cultural identity. In the course of the nineteenth century, Icelandic intellectuals became inspired by Romantic nationalism and began to reclaim 'their' cultural heritage by placing the myths in new interpretational frameworks that were decidedly Icelandic. The long-term process of nationalising the Eddas took many forms and shapes, and manifested itself in the fields of poetry and the visual arts, invented traditions and metaphysics, in journals and newspapers, in public spaces and in academic debates on history, Old Norse philology, and folklore. How did the Icelandic treatment of Old Norse myth relate to the development of the island's cultural and political identity? How were ideas about national character negotiated through the cultivation of mythological images? Special attention is paid to the role of myth in national discourses, especially in relation to that other popular genre of medieval Icelandic literature: the Sagas of Icelanders. Now, for the first time, this multifaceted process – unfolding in the eventful century leading up to the island's independence of 1918 – is analysed and traced through a wide range of interlocking disciplines. The national cultivation of ancient myth reached well beyond the confinements of literary aesthetics, and into the arena of political ideology. It is this interplay of culture, scholarship and politics that lies at the very heart of this interdisciplinary study.

The Norse myths were rediscovered in the late 18th century, and became important to contemporary culture during the first half of the 19th century. The Romantics discussed the usage of themes from Norse mythology; soon, these themes became widespread in art and literature. Their popularity is closely connected with the national ideals and political situations of the period, but they were often given individual artistic interpretations. The Romantic interest in Norse myths and heroes held sway over artists and writers throughout the 19th century.

The US American political machine has always been concerned with science and technology. This focus strengthened following World War II as the US government substantially increased funding and work force to support basic and applied research as a major means to compete with and defend against other nations. An army of people now exists within the federal government whose job is to maintain our scientific and technological superpower status. Borrowing from the notion of the rhetorical presidency, this paper discusses the rise of the techno-political presidency in American politics. More specifically, the analysis closely analyzes Truman"s "Bombing of Hiroshima" speech, examines significant Presidential scientific and technological discourse since, and speculates upon the implications of such a focus for our political future. This case highlights an important, but neglected area of rhetorical study—significant enough to warrant attention as a rhetorical sub-genre.Keywords: Presidential discourse, Rhetoric of technology, Political mythology, Genre, United States of America"Like all mythology in a politically conscious age, the idea of an electrical utopia can be and is exploited by established institutions . . . . Technology finally serves the very military and industrial policies it was supposed to prevent" (Cary and Quirk, 1970).

This unedited draft manuscript is Volume 1 of University of Montana President and Professor Emeritus George M. Dennison's history of The University of Montana. Dennison's tenure as President of the University of Montana was the longest in the institution's history. In office from 1990 until 2010, his connection to UM began well before he served in any executive capacity. As a student he earned both his B.A. and M.A. degrees in history from the university in 1962 and 1963 respectively. After retiring, Dennison returned to his roots as a historian. Focusing on the institution that played such a pivotal role in his life, Dennison began researching and writing a comprehensive history of the University of Montana. He produced a partial manuscript prior to his death in 2017. As indicated by its title, "The University of Montana: Institutional Mythology and Historical Reality," Dennison's manuscript seeks to explore how mythology and reality intertwine in the historical narrative of the school. He wrote much of it against the backdrop of the U.S. Presidential election of 2016, and states in his preface that his belief in the imperative for historical truth informed his approach to this research. Dennison breaks the history of the university into seven distinct periods, which span from its founding in 1893 to present day. Delving into each of the university's presidential administrations, Dennison analyzes how major developments in UM history unfolded within the larger context of Montana state politics and, at times, national and international events. Taking a particular lens to the advent of the land-grant college, Dennison contends that dueling beliefs about the fundamental purpose of higher education set the institution, in its infancy, on a long and meandering path to its eventual mature university status. While charting the course, Dennison explores the role of enduring campus myths alongside the actual strategies, accomplishments, and failures of the people who built the University of Montana over the last century. Dennison considered this manuscript Volume 1 of his institutional history. In it he refers to Chapters 4, 5 and 6 and an Epilogue that are not present in this draft. ; https://scholarworks.umt.edu/theuniversityofmontana/1000/thumbnail.jpg

I argue that the Christian Neo-conservatives (like many before them, including the Medieval crusaders) read the bible mythologically, and thus uproot the the bible from its traditional moral, theological, historical, and grammatical anchors in service to a specific eschatological vision. This shift is rhetorical in nature in that those receiving the biblical text now are not the same as those who originally received it, nor are they the same as the scholars, theologians, and historians who have been careful to read the text with integrity. The shift in audience is a shift in interpretive communities and thus a shift in text. For, as Stanley Fish has argued, interpretive strategies precede the text, thereby "making them rather than, as it is usually assumed, arising from them" (218). The resultant text is a valorized version that legitimizes very real political and military action.

Normative historical narratives of Booker T. Washington continually underestimate the genius of this politically savvy educator. Despite the recent groundswell of interest in photography in the history of education, only a handful of scholars have excavated BTW's meticulously produced portraits in light of his impact on North American civil rights. Washington's images did not simply accentuate his message, they possessed an indelible mythological argument in themselves, reifying a time and place not yet achieved in full by his African-American community. While his Tuskegee Institute mostly accommodated the temperaments of White America, his photographs dissolved the very boundaries between black and white.

Journal article ; The study aimed to assess the myth that the Philippine Early Bisayans originated from Borneo, through the comparative investigation of the material and non-material cultures of the Early Bisayans and the Bornean Dayaks as expressed in their epics. The comparative content analysis is based on the theory of Glasser and Straus (1967) while the comparative use of myths as data source to investigate historical events is from Oppenheimer (1999). The Hinilawod was used to observe the Early Bisayans and the "Story of Kichapi" for the Bornean Dayaks. From the investigation of both epics, the material and non-material cultures of the two peoples are evident. However, for comparative study, the overall data generated for the material cultures is insufficient to categorically declare the cultures as the same or different. From the available data on material culture, there is a slight indication that they are similar more than different. For the non-material aspects of the cultures, they are more different than the same in the social aspect, especially in the view of the nuclear family and the superior roles within. The political system is also pronouncedly different with the Early Bisayans' datu leadership and the absence of such among the Dayaks. The practice of beheading is very distinct among the Dayaks as an expression of political supremacy but absent among the Early Bisayans. Similarities are in their manners of livelihood, and epic structure. They are identical in the dominance of animism as the source of power, healing, control of environment and societal recognition. Given the findings from the observable data, the Philippine Bisayans most likely did not originate from the northwestern side of Borneo particularly from the Dayaks.

There is no evidence that from the late XX century myth has become one of the most active remedies of political muscle, which is caused by tendencies in globalization, information system development, democratization. It led to profound alterations in cultural, technological and socio-political life. Myths are emerged in the practices of local and federal levels, public holidays, usage of consolidated marks by political parties, political competition technologies. Historical consciousness and the nature of politics have a bearing upon the mythopoetry. Political myth, that overrides archaic myth in our modern age, is acting as an instrument of moral and spiritual policy dimension. The myth rests on rationally approved semantic core, sparking rueful feelings and conforming to political technologies. Political advertisement can be concerned as a certain kind of modern myth or as one of the level of general advertising mythopoetry. It includes as commercial as public service advertising and another contiguous facts. Political advertisement is a kind of ideas proponent, extender of patterns, symbols and myths. It plays also an information function, because one of its tasks is announcing, introduction of the audience with the party, its candidates, views, moves, tenders and their advantage of opponents.It is noticed in the article that with the help of the myth a certain notion about the actors' manner is penetrated with collective consciousness and required mental set on voting is created. In this wise, mental set handles the direct, address liaison with them, using intelligible and conforming semiotic system.Myths work on people's consciousness diligently, reproducing validity on a queer way. In general, myth is emotionally charged and thus is very effective. Ordinarily, at most one idea of a particular importance is in the myth. Moreover, myths are closely related to symbols.Political myth is characterized by a certain bundle of elements, such as: worldview in the form of mythological intention of the relational Truth (fairness grounds), point in time connected with the national culture and history origins, moment of avatar or severe mutilation (the analogue of initiative experiences in mystic ritual ― chosen glory or trauma), future vision (getting round to the wombof the Golden Age), searching pushback 'we-they' (the analogue of mythic pushback 'Good and Evil').Political myth is indwell of adaptation: from identification of overall experience because of a certain psychological boundaries to symbolization and ritualization (i.e. symbolic operation and integration). The myth causes social ritualization at the ephebic stage, but afterward it passes into the stage of alignment and degradation, in the result of which it makes shipwreck, forfeiting mobilizing force.Such mythological features as ability to world distortion and consciousness allurement are used in political advertisement. It creates ideal and absolutely mythological example for existence, which we should gasp for. In this particular case it represents one of the main myth's functions, i.e. society improvement, chaos into space convertion.Political advertisement as a product of mythopoetry is characterized in the article. Incommensurability, appeal to authority, persistent, reference group influence, direct impact on daily living are the features of the myth. Political myth complies with integrating function in relation to the social role, identifies the importance of group and personality in the widest field of political relationship towards the state, nation, civilization at the level of group or individual consciousness. ; Выделены основные характеристики мифа, которые обеспечивают его функционирование в политической сфере общества. Анализируются природа политического мифа и его влияние на мотивацию политического выбора в контексте избирательных процессов в украинском обществе. Показано, что миф возникает в процессе мифотворчества и мифотворчества. Рассмотрены аспект применения определенных приемов или технологий в процессе мифотворчества. Определена сущность мифологизации политической рекламы как сложного коммуникативного процесса. Проанализирована роль политической рекламы в избирательных процессах как технологии создания и производства политических мифов. ; Виокремлено основні характеристики міфу, які забезпечують його функціонування у політичній сфері суспільства. Аналізуються природа політичного міфу та його вплив на мотивацію політичного вибору в контексті виборчих процесів в українському суспільстві. Показано, що міф виникає у процесі міфотворення та міфотворчості. Розглянуто аспект застосування певних прийомів або технологій у процесі міфотворчості. Визначено сутність міфологізації політичної реклами як складного комунікативного процесу. Проаналізовано роль політичної реклами у виборчих процесах як технології створення і виробництва політичних міфів.