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What shaped the defense transformation policies of NATO member-states? And what does this mean for the future of the alliance? In "The superpower, the bridge-builder and the hesitant ally", Rem Korteweg explores the impact of the strategic cultures of the United States, the Netherlands and Germany on their efforts to adapt their defense policies and armed forces in light of changes in the security environment. Transformation touched upon fundamental questions regarding the use of the military and the future of warfare in the late 20th and early 21st century. Rather than lead to cohesion within the alliance, defense transformation unearthed strong differences in the way in which the use of the military is understood in Europe and the United States

The European Union and the NATO have 21 of their 27 and 26, respectively, member states in common. The friction between the two institutions is based on the fact that the EU has matured into a well established strategic actor, with its own policies and priorities, and growing ambitions and capacities. The present article discusses a stable and flexible two-pillar model to end the EU-NATO competition. The two-pillar construction that is proposed here implicates a pragmatic attitude, in which each separate case will be looked into separately, to then appoint the organization that will be the best suited for the job. Adapted from the source document.

Since the end of the Cold War, three sensitive shifts have taken place within the NATO: territorial defense turned into "security", including securing the quality of life of NATO citizens; regional arena turned into a global one; suppressing Communism became the suppression of terrorism. Five discussed elements: threat evaluation aka "fight against terrorism", which sometimes loses touch with the unstable geo-strategic context; lacking flexibility and anticipation as regards to a hard to identify, asymmetric, and ever-changing enemy; a pro-active or protective contract attitude; the political context of current military operations; NATO regarding the UN and the EU. References. O. van Zijl

Medio jaren tachtig van de twintigste eeuw woedde in Nederland een felle maatschappelijke discussie over kernwapens, die de bevolking en politiek Den Haag diepgaand verdeelde. De Vliegbasis Woensdrecht vormde het epicentrum van deze nationale verdeeldheid, nadat de autoriteiten in de zomer van 1983 deze locatie voor de plaatsing van de kruisvluchtwapens hadden aangewezen.0Voor het personeel van de vliegbasis, de lokale bevolking, bestuurders en ambtenaren, brak een bewogen periode aan. Bijna dagelijks vonden er acties en demonstraties plaats rond de hekken en nabij de poorten van de basis. Deze gebeurtenissen, alsook de komst van Amerikaanse militairen, bleven niet zonder gevolgen voor de eerder zo rustige regio in West-Brabant. Een in december 1987 tussen Washington en Moskou gesloten wapenbeheersingsverdrag voorkwam uiteindelijk de komst van de kruisvluchtwapens, maar de vliegbasis en de gemeente Woensdrecht zouden nooit meer hetzelfde zijn. 'De wereld kwam naar Woensdrecht' brengt de dramatische gebeurtenissen rond de vliegbasis tijdens het kruisvluchtwapendebat in woord en beeld. Het boek behandelt de politieke besluitvorming, de aankomst van de 486th Tactical Missile Wing van de USAF, het maatschappelijke protest en de confrontatie tussen actievoerders en ordehandhavers, maar ook de reacties van de bevolking van Woensdrecht zelf

Dirksen, E.: De russische economische crisis. - S. 1-10. Wilkening, D. A.: The future of Russia's strategic nuclear force. - S. 11-32. (1) Wettig, G.: NATO, Russia and European security after the Cold War. - S. 33-39. (1) Facon, I.: L'armee russe, menace ou recours? - S. 41-52. (1) Braithwaite, R.: La russie, pays europeen. - S. 53-67. (1) Tinguy, A. de: Russie: dix ans de migrations, reflets d'un monde et transition. - S. 69-77. (1) Michel, L.: L'avenir de la Russie. - S. 1-3. (2) Vogel, H.: The Russian economy. - S. 7-11. (2) Adler, A.: La situation politique en Russie. - S. 13-20. (2) Mel'vil', A.: Domestic politics in Russia on the eve of March 26, 2000. - S. 21-27. (2) Kelleher, C. M. ; Tkacenko, S.: Internal security and the relations with "near abroad". - S. 29-40. (2) Graham, T. E (jr.): Russia's foreign policy. - S. 41-48. (2) ... Chudolej, K.: Russia, NATO and the European Union. - S. 53-58. (2) Bachkatov, N.: Ou va la Russie? - S. 59-62. (2)

Brouhns, A.: Le défi politique et institutionel. - S. 1-7. Cogen, M.: Does the European Union really want to expand its military capacity? - S. 9-18. Ham, P. v.: 11 september en de invloed op het EVDB. - S. 19-26. Wouters, J.: EVDB (EU) versus Europees veiligheids- en defensie-initiatief (NAVO). - S. 27-47. Knutsen, B. O.: ESDP and the non-EU NATO members. - S. 49-58. Gustenau, G.: ESDP and the 'neutrals'. - S. 59-64. Konovalov, A.: ESDP and Russia. - S. 65-75

Leurdijk, D.: CIMIC: a priority policy issue. - S. 1-9. Schoups, J.: Experiences and lessons learned from previous operations. The United Nation's administration of Eastern Slavonia. - S. 11-19. Montravel, G.: Disaster Relief Branch Office for the Co-ordination of Humanitarian Affairs Geneva. - S. 21-31. Krasznai, J.: How to optimize the co-ordination between peace keeping forces and civilian actors during the preparation, planning and conduct of peace-keeping and/or humanitarian operations. - S. 33-36. Viriot, J.-M.: Le point de vue de l'UEO sur la cooperation civilo-militaire. - S. 37-44. Rollins, ...: NATO (SHAPE) CIMIC. - S. 45-52. Geleyn, M.: Crisisbeheer. - S. 53-57

Between 1949 and 1962 the Netherlands renounced its sovereignty over most of its overseas territories. Nevertheless, during the entire period of the Cold War, the Royal Netherlands Navy (RNLN) stood by its point of view that it had a global task to fulfil. This military-naval deployment, outside the NATO treaty area during and shortly after the Cold War in relation to the structural global ambitions of the Royal Netherlands Navy's leadership, is the central theme of this study. This theme is analysed on the basis of theories and an understanding of multinational fleet operations after 1945 and Dutch policy regarding naval operations outside the NATO treaty area, but above all through regional case studies (Korean War 1950-1955, operations around the Arabian peninsula 1984-2000, and in the Adriatic Sea and Montenegrin waters 1992-2001). These case studies were examined by addressing the following central questions: to what extent did these missions involve a traditional approach to Dutch foreign policy? To what extent did the Navy's leadership influence the political-strategic decision-making on these out-of-area operations? To what extent were Dutch tasks and operations different from those of coalition partners, specifically those of the British Royal Navy, which the Royal Netherlands Navy considered to be its 'sister navy'? To what extent did the existing national and international perceptions of the RNLN influence Dutch decision-making on these missions, and how much did the participation in multinational fleet operations subsequently contribute to the objectives the Dutch government had in mind? In all the three case studies, the national and international perception of the Netherlands as a maritime nation and the ability to deploy high-quality navy units were taken into account in the Dutch government's decision-making regarding the RNLN participation in multinational fleet operations. The missions always received international, and especially British and American, appreciation and respect. The fact that ...

Hans Schippers assesses the position of the Islamic AK Party led by Prime Minister Erdogan in the light of the relationship between religion and the state in Turkey. Although the AK Party won the general elections in 2002, Erdogan has the Damocletian sword of a military coup hanging above his head ever since. The military consider themselves to be the guardians of Kemal Atatürk's legacy of Turkey as a secular state. In the past decades they intervened four times in politics, the most recent one the 1998 'post modern' coup to oust the Islamic Prime Minister Erbakan, whose approach to Iran, critical opinions on the EU and NATO and favourisation of religious education had gone too far in the eyes of the military. Erdogan cleverly avoided the mistakes of his predecessor. He declared the AKP to be a conservative, pro-EU and pro-NATO party that would seek adherence to the mostly christian-democratic European Peoples Party. His government would be liberal and respect people with different opinions on religion. Erdogan did well in regional elections of 2004. However, he met with growing criticism in the following two years. The organisational structure of the AKP is undemocratic and the number of women active in the party is far too limited, his critics remarked. The party is accused of conducting a campaign of 'creeping islamisation' of Turkish society. The military closely monitor every decision of the government near two-thirds majority in parliament and he could They have the support of the secular president have a party member elected. This would increase Sezer who has amended or rejected a large number the chances of military intervention. Erdogan will of Erdogans proposals. A crucial moment for the probably opt for a compromise candidate. However, AKP-government will be the election by parliament until the arliamentary elections of November, the of a new president, coming May. Erdogan has a political.