Suchergebnisse

Der Beitrag erörtert die 2004 erfolgte EU-Osterweiterung um zehn Staaten im Kontext der politischen Interessen Europas und der USA. In einem ersten Schritt werden zunächst die möglichen außen- und sicherheitspolitischen Interessen der USA skizziert. Der zweite Schritt diskutiert die zukünftige Ausrichtung Europas hinsichtlich der Strukturfragen (1) Erweiterung und Vertiefung der EU oder (2) Erweiterung versus Integration. Im Anschluss folgt die Charakterisierung der Sicherheitspolitik der EU, insbesondere gegenüber den USA und der NATO und in Gestalt von GASP. Der vierte Schritt thematisiert mögliche Rüstungsexportinteressen der USA in der EU-25 in Form militärischer Stützpunkte sowie von Militärmaterial. In diesem Zusammenhang erläutert der fünfte Schritt den Vorschlag einer EU-Initiative zur Ausrüstungshilfe für die neuen EU-Staaten. Der sechste Schritt befasst sich sodann mit der Frage, ob die EU-25 ein einflussreicher internationaler Akteur im Bereich der Außen- und Wirtschaftspolitik sein und den idealdemokratischen Ansprüchen (Freiheit, Sicherheit, Gerechtigkeit) entsprechen kann. In einer abschließenden Zusammenfassung werden die Interessen der USA und der EU an einer EU-Osterweiterung einander gegenübergestellt. (ICG2)

В статті проаналізовано сучасну систему аналізу і узагальнення досвіду в об'єднаних збройних силах НАТО. Розкрито основні заходи щодо функціонування цієї системи, які були в радянській армії. На основі аналізу існуючої системи аналізу і узагальнення досвіду в Сухопутних військах Збройних Сил України встановлено необхідність удосконалення даної системи. Основна увага зосереджена на напрямках і заходах, що впроваджені в збройних силах провідних країн світу для функціонування і визначення ролі системи аналізу і узагальнення досвіду в загальній системі бойової підготовки військ. ; В статье проведен анализ современной системы анализа и обобщения опыта в объединенных вооруженных силах НАТО. Раскрыты основные мероприятия по функционированию этой системы, которые были в советской армии. На основе анализа существующей системы и обобщения опыта в Сухопутных войсках Вооруженных Сил Украины установлена необходимость совершенствования данной системы. Основное внимание сосредоточено на направлениях и мероприятиях, которые внедрены в вооруженных силах ведущих стран мира для функционирования и определения роли системы анализа и обобщения опыта в общей системе боевой подготовки войск. ; The article discuses current analysis system and generalization of experience of the combined armed forces of NATO. It explores the basic measures of the functioning of the system used in the Soviet army. On the analysis of the current system of analysis and generalization of the experience of the Land forces of Ukrainian armed forces is based the statement that a given system needs to be improved. Main attention is drawn to the courses and activities that are implemented in the armed forces of the world for the system operation and to the role of analysis and generalization of the experience in the general system of the troops training.

В статье авторы анализируют изменения принципов участия Французской Республики в международных конфликтах после принятия новой редакции «Белой книги» в 2013 году. В качестве примера авторы рассматривают участие французского руководства в операциях в Ливии и Мали. ; In the article the authors analyze the change of French principles of participation in international conflicts after the new edition of White Book in 2013. Each White Book presents the aims and perspectives of the French defense policy development. The first one was published in 1972 during the Cold War and the next one in 1994 after the collapse of the Soviet Union when the major role in conflicts resolution was taken by UNO. The 21st century brings new challenges and threats as well as new methods of conflicts resolution taking into account their new nature and development. In the article we analyze new principles of conflicts resolution elaborated by Francois Holland, the book was published in 2013. The core principles of the previous Book (elaborated by N. Sarkozy) included the activation of the French role on the world arena and reduction of the military forces. But now taking into account that the majority of crises are international and involve different parties and countries, France focuses on collaboration with the other countries especially with the members of NATO. As an example the authors investigate policy of the French government in the operations in Mali and Libya where France plays the leading role. Both conflicts are not resolved and are going to become permanent. So, as it takes more forces and expenses, the French government tries to bring in more countries-allies to settle the issue.

"This volume addresses and seeks to answer a number of questions on the current issues facing small states in Europe. How can small European states survive and prosper within a multipolar world of great powers? What part should small states take in European integration? Are EU fiscal and monetary policies allowing for Keynesian economic stimulus when needed and are euro area convergence criteria viable post the COVID-19 crisis? Are small state alliances within the EU useful to counterbalance the influence of the larger EU member states? How far should EU and NATO expansion go? Should it include countries such as Ukraine? Can the EU rely on US leadership of NATO for European security? How should small states relate to great powers seeking to influence Europe, most notably the USA, the People's Republic of China and the Russian Federation? Do smaller states need to choose a single ally among the major powers? Using an interdisciplinary approach, the author discusses issues of economic policy, international relations and politics, economic and political integration, as well as the effects of global and regional institutions, and priorities in bilateral development cooperation, demonstrating how policies are shaped by the interaction between small states (small powers) and large states (great powers)"--

Anne-Marie Brady and Baldur Thorhallsson, Small States and the Turning Point in Global Politics -- Alan Tidwell, Building Shelter in Washington: The Politics of Small State Engagement -- Caroline Kennedy-Pipe and Iftikhar Zaidi, The Hybrid Challenge and Small States -- Anne-Marie Brady and Hiromichi Higashi, How to Give China Face, Yet Not Bow to Pressure: Albania's Delicate Balancing Act with China -- James Rogers, Small States, Great Powers, and Armed Drones -- Margarita Šešelgytè and Neringa Bladaite, How to Defend Society? Baltic Responses to Hybrid Threats -- Robert P. Wheelersburg, North Atlantic Small State Security 2025: The West Nordic Security Zone -- Rasmus Mølgaard Mariager and Anders Wivel, From Nordic peacekeeper to NATO peacemaker: Denmark's journey from semi-neutral to super ally -- Zivile Marija Vaicekauskaite, Security in the Nordic Baltic Region and Russia: Towards Enhanced Regional Defence Cooperation? -- Hillary Briffa, Neutrality and Shelter Seeking: The Case of Malta -- Steven Murphy, Friends with Benefits? NATO and the European Neutral/Non-aligned States -- Andrea Figulová and Kristína Janková, One region, different strategies: Slovakia and the V4 in the Euro-Atlantic security environment -- Imad K. Harb, Shelter and Strategic Hedging in the Gulf Cooperation Council -- Vahram Ter-Matevosyan and Narek Mkrtchyan, The Conduct of Armenian Foreign Policy: Limits of the Precarious Balance -- Brahim Saidy, Qatar's Military Power and Diplomacy: the Emerging Roles of Small States in International Relations.

The geopolitical consequences of transatlantic energy disunity -- Regions in between : Europe, NATO and the geopolitics of shifting frontiers -- Reimagining Eurasia (with Samuel Charap) -- Getting the EU back into Eurasia (with Raffaello Pantucci) -- The final leg in the race for Caspian gas -- The Nabucco pipeline project is dead -- Alexandros Petersen : interview on Nabucco -- Turkey's multivector energy hub : ignore at your own peril -- Integrating Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Turkey with the West : the case of the East-West transport corridor -- Turkey : the transatlantic energy hub -- BTC security questions persist -- Russia's energy bully takes a fall -- The Molotov-Ribbentrop pipeline -- Turkey : abandoning the EU for the SCO (with Raffaello Pantucci) -- Russia's eastern anxieties (with Raffaello Pantucci) -- The 1992-93 Georgia-Abkhazia war : a forgotten conflict -- Russia invaded Georgia to teach the West a lesson -- Russia's resurgence : risks and rewards -- Azerbaijan and Georgia : playing Russian roulette with Moscow (with Taleh Ziyadov) -- Security and western integration in the Caucasus -- Black Sea security : the NATO imperative -- China's latest piece of the new Silk Road -- Central Asia's new energy giant : China -- Central Asia's most important city is'nt in Central Asia -- China's strategy in Afghanistan -- How the West is totally missing China's geopolitical focus -- China's inadvertent empire (with Raffaello Pantucci) -- Russia, China, and the geopolitics of energy in Central Asia (with Katinka Barysch) -- Did China just win the Caspian gas war?

From the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations to the NATO International Staff and the European External Action Service, international bureaucrats make decisions that affect life and death. In carrying out their functions, these officials not only facilitate the work of the member states, but also pursue their own distinct agendas. This book analyzes how states seek to control secretariats when it comes to military operations by international organizations. It introduces an innovative theoretical framework that identifies different types of control mechanisms. The book presents six empirical chapters on the UN, NATO, and EU secretariats. It provides new data from a unique dataset and in-depth interviews. It shows that member states employ a wide range of control mechanisms to reduce the potential loss of influence. They frequently forfeit the gains of delegation to avoid becoming dependent on the work of secretariats. Yet while states invest heavily in control, this book also argues that they cannot benefit from the services of secretariats and keep full control over outcomes in international organizations. In their delegation and control decisions, states face trade-offs and have to weigh different cost categories: the costs of policy, administrative capacity, and agency loss. This book will be of interest to scholars, postgraduates, and officials in international organizations and national governments, dealing with questions of international political economy, security studies, and military affairs.--

When representatives of the U.S. government and Congress debated military intervention in the conflict in Bosnia in 1995, they were not just talking about an American troop contribution. The dispute became a focal point for issues such as relations with the U.N. and NATO and the general desirability of multilateral peacekeeping. What elicited the strong responses were trade-offs inherent to the internationalization of security policy: security gains were measured against concerns about the national interest, democratic legitimacy, and effects on the rule of law. However, despite their role in shaping future policy these types of responses lack systematic analysis. Following a qualitative content analysis, this paper offers a response overview. I distinguish three phases in the debate and illustrate that turning points were brought on by the momentum of events in the Balkans rather than D.C. Yet, arguments seem to have developed a 'symbolic power' independent of their direct effect on the course of events. While the U.N. was strongly contested NATO proved to be a 'common denominator' with some disciplining power over internationalization's critics. In defense of the intervention, the Clinton administration portrayed multilateralism as a useful tool. This strategy helped sell internationalization to Congress. But it also required a non-committal rhetoric which would serve opponents of international security organizations beyond 1995.

The popular uprisings in Egypt and Tunisia have overthrown the public face of the imperial-backed dictatorships in the region, and inspired supporters of popular democracy worldwide. As the Arab revolt spreads from North Africa to the Gulf and widens its demands to include socio-economic as well as political changes, the Empire is striking back. The ruling military junta in Egypt has cracked down on the pro-democracy movement and looks to its autocratic "partners" in the Gulf and the Arabian Peninsula to drown the civil society movements in a blood bath. While standing by the crumbling dictatorships elsewhere in the region, the UK, France and the US raced to intervene when it seemed the revolt had spread to Libya. NATO was deployed, using the UN's new "responsibility to protect" doctrine authorising humanitarian intervention. Already NATO intervention has exceeded the UN mandate by bombing the Libyan capital and inflicting civilian casualties. Meanwhile, western governments openly pursue regime change in Libya while seeking to forestall it elsewhere. These essays chronicle the growing militarisation of US policy in North Africa and the Gulf and the historic confrontation between the Arab democratic revolution and the imperial backed satraps; between Libyans fighting for their independence and the Euro-American naval and air forces ravaging the country on behalf of their inept local clients.

At once an energy corridor and gateway for trafficking and organized crime, the Black Sea region is an area of burgeoning importance to the European Union. Its frozen conflicts in Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Transnistr ia are dangerous centers of instability in Europe's immediate neighborhood. The Black Sea is also nearing the EU in purely geographic terms: in 2007 its littoral states Romania and Bulgaria will join, accession talks with Turkey have been opened, Georgia and Ukraine have expressed interest in EU membership and are being discussed as possible candidates for a NATO enlargement. The growing Western presence in the region has set off alarm bells in Russia, which regards the Black Sea as its sphere of influence. The prospect of NATO expanding poses a particularly acute threat of escalation. Also, Moscow's remarks that independence for Kosovo could serve as a precedence for the spearatist frozen conflict regions ar being seen as harbingers of future conflict. EU and regional representatives have therefore counselled respect for Russia's interests around the Black Sea, consideration of its objections, and efforts to facilitate cooperation that would benefit all sides. Does the EU need a Black Sea strategy? If so, what form should it take? This 134th Bergedorf Protocol documents a meeting of senior politicians and experts from the region and EU states in Odessa who analyzed the situation and put forward policy options

"Seit dem 11. September 2001 wurden in zahlreichen internationalen Organisationen und multilateralen Foren umfassende Beschlüsse, Initiativen oder Aktionspläne zur Terrorismusbekämpfung verabschiedet. Die Studie leistet eine Bestandsaufnahme und erste Bewertung dieser Aktivitäten; sie fragt nach den Möglichkeiten und Grenzen multilateraler Zusammenarbeit auf diesem Gebiet. Analysiert werden Maßnahmen der Vereinten Nationen, der Europäischen Union, der NATO, der G 8, des Golfkooperationsrates, der Shanghaier Organisation für Zusammenarbeit sowie der Afrikanischen Union. Dabei stehen folgende Aspekte im Zentrum: Was wird unter Terrorismus verstanden? Welche Bedrohungsanalysen liegen vor? Welche operativen und strukturellen Maßnahmen der Terrorismusbekämpfung wurden beschlossen und umgesetzt? Gibt es eine Diskrepanz zwischen faktischer und deklaratorischer Politik? Welche Staaten können als Vorreiter gelten, welche treten eher als 'Bremser' auf? Im Ergebnis wird deutlich, dass es - ungeachtet gravierender Differenzen zwischen den Organisationen - einige allgemeine Trends bei der internationalen Terrorismusbekämpfung gibt und dass der formalisierte multilaterale Rahmen nur begrenzt genutzt wird. Er dient zumeist dazu, Standards und Normen zu setzen oder weiterzuentwickeln sowie Programme zu verabschieden, deren Umsetzung aber selten überprüft wird. Zudem ist die Zusammenarbeit - selbst innerhalb der EU - in erster Linie am kleinsten gemeinsamen Nenner orientiert und nicht an einer gemeinsam definierten Zielvorstellung." (Autorenreferat). Inhaltsverzeichnis: Ulrich Schneckener: Internationale Terrorismusbekämpfung - im Spannungsfeld zwischen USA und Vereinten Nationen (7-12); Christian Schaller: Völkerrechtliche Rahmenbedingungen und die Rolle der Vereinten Nationen bei der Terrorismusbekämpfung (13-30); Annegret Bendiek: Europäische Union: Netzwerke bilden, um Netzwerke zu bekämpfen (31-42); Markus Kaim: Nato: Möglichkeiten und Grenzen militärischer Terrorismusbekämpfung (43-52); Ulrich Schneckener: G 8: Terrorismusbekämpfung in Form von "Club Governance" (53-64); Guido Steinberg: Golfkooperationsrat: Deklaratorische Terrorismusbekämpfung (65-74); Gudrun Wacker: Shanghaier Organisation für Zusammenarbeit: wider die "drei üblen Kräfte" von Terrorismus, Separatismus und Extremismus (75-84); Kerstin Petretto: Afrika und der "Global War on Terror" (85-98); Ulrich Schneckener: Chancen und Grenzen multilateraler Terrorismusbekämpfung (99-104).