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Napoleon Bonaparte and Karl vom Stein were born in different places and had a very different background. Although they never met, the policies they pursued led to their confrontation. At first, the French emperor felt admiration for the Prussian political reformer and saw in him a qualified person for his projects concerning Germany. But when Napoleon learnt in 1808 that Stein had conspired against him, he enforced the resignation of the German statesman from his position as chief of the Prussian government. The baron had to flee into exile. In 1812 he moved on to serve the Russians in order to prepare the war against Napoleon in the North of Germany. In this way he actively participated in the fall of the man who was already his worst enemy. In spite of belonging to the winning side, Stein did not hold a high position in the Europe that emerged from the Congress of Vienna. Like Napoleon he would spend his last years far away from power. ; Napoleón Bonaparte y Karl vom Stein procedían de lugares y circunstancias muy diferentes. No llegaron a conocerse, pero la política que ambos practicaron hizo que terminaran enfrentados. El emperador francés comenzó sintiendo admiración por el político reformador prusiano, en quien vio a alguien adecuado para su proyecto respecto a Alemania. Cuando en 1808 descubrió que Stein conspiraba contra él, forzó su dimisión como jefe del gobierno de Prusia. El barón tuvo que huir al exilio. En 1812 pasará al servicio de Rusia para preparar la guerra en el norte de Alemania contra Napoleón. De esta manera tomará parte activa en la caída del que ya era su peor enemigo. Pese a pertenecer al bando de los vencedores, Stein no tendrá un lugar destacado en la Europa que surge del Congreso de Viena y, al igual que Napoleón, pasará sus últimos años apartado del poder.

Napoleón Bonaparte y Karl vom Stein procedían de lugares y circunstancias muy diferentes. No llegaron a conocerse, pero la política que ambos practicaron hizo que terminaran enfrentados. El emperador francés comenzó sintiendo admiración por el político reformador prusiano, en quien vio a alguien adecuado para su proyecto respecto a Alemania. Cuando en 1808 descubrió que Stein conspiraba contra él, forzó su dimisión como jefe del gobierno de Prusia. El barón tuvo que huir al exilio. En 1812 pasará al servicio de Rusia para preparar la guerra en el norte de Alemania contra Napoleón. De esta manera tomará parte activa en la caída del que ya era su peor enemigo. Pese a pertenecer al bando de los vencedores, Stein no tendrá un lugar destacado en la Europa que surge del Congreso de Viena y, al igual que Napoleón, pasará sus últimos años apartado del poder. ; Napoleon Bonaparte and Karl vom Stein were born in different places and had a very different background. Although they never met, the policies they pursued led to their confrontation. At first, the French emperor felt admiration for the Prussian political reformer and saw in him a qualified person for his projects concerning Germany. But when Napoleon learnt in 1808 that Stein had conspired against him, he enforced the resignation of the German statesman from his position as chief of the Prussian government. The baron had to flee into exile. In 1812 he moved on to serve the Russians in order to prepare the war against Napoleon in the North of Germany. In this way he actively participated in the fall of the man who was already his worst enemy. In spite of belonging to the winning side, Stein did not hold a high position in the Europe that emerged from the Congress of Vienna. Like Napoleon he would spend his last years far away from power.

The translator has attempted to connect the history by adding short abstracts, taken from various authors, on the principle military operations in which Napoleon was himself engaged; also a concise account of his second abdication, residence at St. Helen and death. Pref. ; Mode of access: Internet.

In 1789 the French Directory authorized Napoleon Bonaparte to invade Egypt, thus introducing Egypt to modern French civilization. At this time Egypt was still ruled by the Mamluks who served under the Sublime Porte of the Ottoman Empire with little to no interference from the far away Porte. As explained by Jeremy Black, neither the Directory nor Napoleon were overly concerned with making enemies of the dying Ottoman Empire: "Napoleon assumed that the Turks could be intimidated or bribed into accepting the French invasion…"1 . This adverse view of the Porte demonstrates the typical Western behavior and stereotypes towards Muslims and Middle Easterners as weaker than or less than European powers. The French invasion of Egypt cemented already prevalent stereotypes in both the Middle East and the West into the modern era. These stereotypes alongside the Porte's inability to protect Egypt from invasion "proved" to the West that they were easily able to take territory from the Ottoman Empire and framed this imperialism as re-building civilization that lapsed under Ottoman rule. France's attempt to colonize Egypt would ultimately fail due to Napoleon's deplorable actions in Egypt and his false claim to authority despite no military support coming from the Directory (as a result of the blockade set into place by the British and Porte alliance).

Es ist eine geschichtsträchtige Zeit. Napoleon Bonaparte, Zar Alexander I. von Russland, König Friedrich Wilhelm III. von Preußen, Graf zu Sayn-Wittgenstein, Ludwig Graf Yorck von Wartenburg und viele andere höchste Politiker und Militärs waren 1813, nach Napoleons Rückzug aus Russland, in Radeberg zu Lage-Sondierungen, Gelände-Besichtigungen und hochrangigen Gesprächen. Nur knapp sind Radeberg und Lotzdorf direkten militärischen Kämpfen entgangen, trotzdem waren die Schäden durch Belagerungen, Requirierungen, Plünderungen u. ä. unvorstellbar. Dabei spielte der Sandberg, gelegen zwischen Radeberg und Lotzdorf am "Lotzdorfer Zacken" und die höchste Erhebung im Radeberger Gebiet, eine besondere Rolle, denn Napoleon kam mit seinem Stab von Dresden, um von hier aus das Terrain für die Vorbereitung einer Schlacht zu sondieren.

This article focuses on strong links between G.W.F. Hegel and Napoleon Bonaparte. This dependency occurs in three areas. Firstly, there is the area of historical events, which constitutes a common background for both of these figures living in a time of incessant war. Secondly, there is the area of ideas; a careful analysis of selected works by Hegel shows that he fully accepted and assimilated the socio-political choices of the French Emperor. Finally, there is the area of direct actions, as it can be observed that Hegel shaped his academic career by deliberately taking inspiration from Napoleon. His dream was to become the Napoleon of philosophy, a goal he appears to have achieved.

Napoleon Bonaparte (1769-1821), also known as Napoleon I, was a French military leader and emperor who conquered much of Europe in the early 19th century. Born on the island of Corsica, Napoleon rapidly rose through the ranks of the military during the French Revolution (1789-1799). After seizing political power in France in a 1799 coup d'état, he crowned himself emperor in 1804. Shrewd, ambitious and a skilled military strategist, Napoleon successfully waged war against various coalitions of European nations and expanded his empire. However, after a disastrous French invasion of Russia in 1812, Napoleon abdicated the throne two years later and was exiled to the island of Elba. In 1815, he briefly returned to power in his Hundred Days campaign. After a crushing defeat at the Battle of Waterloo, he abdicated once again and was exiled to the remote island of Saint Helena, where he died at 51.Napoleon was responsible for spreading the values of the French Revolution to other countries, especially in legal reform and the abolition of serfdom. After the fall of Napoleon, not only was the Napoleonic Code retained by conquered countries including the Netherlands, Belgium, parts of Italy and Germany, but has been used as the basis of certain parts of law outside Europe including the Dominican Republic, the US state of Louisiana and the Canadian province of Quebec. The memory of Napoleon in Poland is favorable, for his support for independence and opposition to Russia, his legal code, the abolition of serfdom, and the introduction of modern middle class bureaucracies. The social structure of France changed little under the First Empire. It remained roughly what the Revolution had made it: a great mass of peasants comprising three-fourths of the population—about half of them works owners of their farms or sharecroppers and the other half with too little land for their own subsistence and hiring themselves out as laborers. Industry, stimulated by the war and the blockade of English goods, made remarkable progress in northern and eastern France, whence exports could be sent to central Europe; but it declined in the south and west because of the closing of the Mediterranean and the Atlantic. The great migrations from rural areas toward industry in the towns began only after 1815. The nobility would probably have declined more swiftly if Napoleon had not restored it, but it could never recover its former privileges. Finally we can say that many of the territories occupied by Napoleon during his Empire began to feel a new sense of nationalism.