Los tratados exegéticos de Ambrosio El paraíso y Caín y Abel, que se ocupan del hombre como criatura ontológica y éticamente ambigua, evidencian una unidad compositiva que conjuga el género zetemático y el comentario alegórico, en una estructura global cuyos alcances hermenéuticos y retóricos armonizan el sentido pastoral con el normativo, en una clara perspectiva moral. El objetivo de este trabajo es describir las características retóricas de la primera producción de Ambrosio, para completar las reflexiones vertidas en otros trabajos, y prestar especial atención al recurso de la narración en algunas secciones de los opúsculos, debido a que la norma que trasmiten los textos se forma ?en? la historia, cuya manifestación discursiva, a través de los distintos motivos, permite los enlaces entre la ley natural (y su aporte antropológico) y la institución (y su proyección política). Nos interesa específicamente indagar la forma en que la narración resulta normativa, habida cuenta de su carácter cognoscitivo, en un marco mayor de composición que rebasa los sentidos históricos del discurso. ; The exegetical treatises by Ambrose of Milan Paradise and Cain and Abel, focused on the man as an ontological and ethical ambiguous creature, show a compositive unit that conjugates zetematic genre and allegorical commentary, in a global structure in which hermeneutical and rhetorical reaches harmonize the pastoral sense with normative one, in an evident moral perspective. The aim of this paper is to describe the rhetorical characteristics of the first production by Ambrose, in order to complete previous reflections and to study the narration in some parts of the texts, because the rule transmitted is formed 'in' the story, whose motives promote the links between the natural law (and its anthropological contribution) and the institution (and its political projection). We try to examine the way the narration is normative, even though its cognitive nature, in a large frame of composition that rebase historical senses of discourse. ; Fil: Miranda, Lidia Raquel. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de La Pampa; Argentina
El presente artículo parte de la premisa de que la práctica discursiva sobre la muerte oriental, iniciada por las agencias de saber, puede corresponder a una subestimación narrativa de los territorios y de las personas presentes en un espacio polisémico llamado MENA. La hipótesis investigada, a través de la comparación de diferentes fuentes estadísticas secundarias (2001-2017), muestra que la mayoría de las víctimas del terrorismo no se sitúan en el área geográfica occidental, sino en la región de Oriente Medio y África del Norte. Esta interpretación de los datos estadísticos presupone que el número de las muertes, manipuladas en una clave positivista, participa en el proceso más general de "esencialización racial" del espacio. Por lo tanto, lo que nos proponemos hacer es reflexionar sobre la narración de "datos" que alimenta cierta retórica gubernamental de MENA. Metodológicamente, la comparación de diferentes datos aclara que existe una "subestimación geográfica" relacionada con una "sobrenarración" del evento terrorista, descrito como una amenaza oriental. Esta "sobreexposición" tiene el efecto de subestimar a la víctima local, puesto que la inscripción geográfica del MENA, comprendida como un espacio de terror, arrebata la dignidad de la muerte a las poblaciones orientales. ; In this article, we assume the narrative on oriental deaths initiated by agencies of knowledge, may correspond to an underestimation of those people and territories present in a polysemous space called MENA. Comparing different secondary statistical sources (2001-2017), we can presume that most of the victims of terrorism did not occur in the Western geographical area, but in the Middle East and North African ones. Such interpretation of statistical data assumes that the number of deaths, manipulated in a positivist way, participates in the more general process of "racial profiling" of space. Therefore, in this article we propose to reflect on the narration of the data feeding the MENA government rhetoric, as data clarifies that there is a geographical underestimation due to an over-narration of the more complex terrorist event as an oriental menace. The effect of this overexposure is an underestimation of the local victims, because the geographical inscription of the MENA as a space of terror takes dignity away from the death of the Middle East and North African populations
In this article, we assume the narrative on oriental deaths initiated by agencies of knowledge, may correspond to an underestimation of those people and territories present in a polysemous space called MENA. Comparing different secondary statistical sources (2001-2017), we can presume that most of the victims of terrorism did not occur in the Western geographical area, but in the Middle East and North African ones. Such interpretation of statistical data assumes that the number of deaths, manipulated in a positivist way, participates in the more general process of "racial profiling" of space. Therefore, in this article we propose to reflect on the narration of the data feeding the MENA government rhetoric, as data clarifies that there is a geographical underestimation due to an over-narration of the more complex terrorist event as an oriental menace. The effect of this overexposure is an underestimation of the local victims, because the geographical inscription of the MENA as a space of terror takes dignity away from the death of the Middle East and North African populations. ; El presente artículo parte de la premisa de que la práctica discursiva sobre la muerte oriental, iniciada por las agencias de saber, puede corresponder a una subestimación narrativa de los territorios y de las personas presentes en un espacio polisémico llamado MENA. La hipótesis investigada, a través de la comparación de diferentes fuentes estadísticas secundarias (2001-2017), muestra que la mayoría de las víctimas del terrorismo no se sitúan en el área geográfica occidental, sino en la región de Oriente Medio y África del Norte. Esta interpretación de los datos estadísticos presupone que el número de las muertes, manipuladas en una clave positivista, participa en el proceso más general de "esencialización racial" del espacio. Por lo tanto, lo que nos proponemos hacer es reflexionar sobre la narración de "datos" que alimenta cierta retórica gubernamental de MENA. Metodológicamente, la comparación de diferentes datos aclara que existe una "subestimación geográfica" relacionada con una "sobrenarración" del evento terrorista, descrito como una amenaza oriental. Esta "sobreexposición" tiene el efecto de subestimar a la víctima local, puesto que la inscripción geográfica del MENA, comprendida como un espacio de terror, arrebata la dignidad de la muerte a las poblaciones orientales.
The following investigation aims to analyze the origin of the relationship between rhetoric and Criminal Law; in fact, the rhetoric or also called "the art of persuasion" where writing is not necessary, was introduced by Socrates, an important Greek philosopher and teacher who lived in Athens in the 300 BC. It is intrinsic to Criminal Law since its normative material is not perfectly codified; in fact, rhetoric constitutes a sort of instrument by which a citizen can support his own opinion both in the political and judicial sphere before, in this case, a criminal trial presenting findings of the fact and an excellent narration in order to obtain the jury's consent. It is also of great interest to mention the importance of identifying the differences and equations between rhetoric and legal considerations; identify the main reasons why the Criminal Law requires rhetoric and then compare it with the Ecuadorian Criminal Law; examine the strategies used by "the art of persuasion" to prove the benefits and disadvantages it brings in Criminal Law; finally, to present some observations to reduce this problem finding a balance in the practice of rhetoric. KEYWORDS: rhetoric, logic, right, criminal process, rationality. JEL CODE: K14, L10 ; RESUMEN La siguiente investigación tiene como objetivo analizar el origen de la relación entre retórica y Derecho Penal; de hecho, la retórica o también llamada "el arte de la persuasión" donde la escritura no es necesaria, fue introducida por Sócrates, un importante filósofo y maestro griego que vivió en Atenas en el 300 a. C. Es intrínseco al Derecho Penal ya que su material normativo no está perfectamente codificado; De hecho, la retórica constituye una especie de instrumento mediante el cual un ciudadano puede sustentar su propia opinión tanto en el ámbito político como judicial antes, en este caso, de un juicio penal que presenta conclusiones del hecho y una excelente narración para obtener el consentimiento del jurado. . También es de gran interés mencionar la importancia de identificar las diferencias y ecuaciones entre la retórica y las consideraciones legales; identificar las principales razones por las que el Derecho Penal requiere retórica y luego compararlo con el Derecho Penal ecuatoriano; examinar las estrategias empleadas por "el arte de la persuasión" para demostrar los beneficios y desventajas que aporta al Derecho Penal; finalmente, presentar algunas observaciones para reducir este problema encontrando un equilibrio en la práctica de la retórica. ABSTRACT The following investigation aims to analyze the origin of the relationship between rhetoric and Criminal Law; in fact, the rhetoric or also called "the art of persuasion" where writing is not necessary, was introduced by Socrates, an important Greek philosopher and teacher who lived in Athens in the 300 BC. It is intrinsic to Criminal Law since its normative material is not perfectly codified; in fact, rhetoric constitutes a sort of instrument by which a citizen can support his own opinion both in the political and judicial sphere before, in this case, a criminal trial presenting findings of the fact and an excellent narration in order to obtain the jury's consent. It is also of great interest to mention the importance of identifying the differences and equations between rhetoric and legal considerations; identify the main reasons why the Criminal Law requires rhetoric and then compare it with the Ecuadorian Criminal Law; examine the strategies used by "the art of persuasion" to prove the benefits and disadvantages it brings in Criminal Law; finally, to present some observations to reduce this problem finding a balance in the practice of rhetoric. KEYWORDS: rhetoric, logic, right, criminal process, rationality. JEL CODE / CLASIFICACIÓN JEL: K14, L10
Objective: This article analyzes, in the book Los piratas de Cartagena. Crónicas histórico-novelescas, by Soledad Acosta, its representations (mimesis-poiesis) of characters and situations of the colonial era; especially, the rhetoric on the ethical role of notable characters —priests, politicians, military men and women close to State affairs— and their place of leadership, as literate men and women, for the Hispanic and Catholic republic that was projected in the Regeneración (1875-1886). Methodology: Based on a hermeneutic analysis and interpretation, we seek to understand the fusion between horizons of understanding of the author-enunciator; particularly two: the colonial era, as a period narrated in different phases of modernization, and its present, prior to its writing and establishment of the Constitution of 1886. The analysis rests on the concepts of rhetoric, "economy of literature" and "regime of art". Originality: The analyzed book is one of the least studied works written by the author, notwithstanding its importance both for cultural and social history, as well as for literary studies and, therefore, for poetics, aesthetics and art history. Conclusions: The analysis evidences the need to continue turning to documents that narrate and describe historical events from points of view that complement the bipartisan history and the teleological vision of the most remembered heroes. In this case, in a document that brings us closer to the understanding of pirates, women, children, the elderly, indigenous people and Afro-descendants of the colonial era. ; Objetivo: el objetivo de este artículo es analizar, en el libro Los piratas de Cartagena. Crónicas histórico-novelescas de Soledad Acosta, las representaciones (mimesis-poiesis) de personajes y situaciones de la Colonia, especialmente la retórica sobre el rol ético de personajes notables —sacerdotes, políticos, militares y mujeres cercanas a los asuntos de Estado— y su lugar de liderazgo como letrados y letradas en la república hispanista y católica que ...
En la actualidad, sobre un mismo hecho noticioso se desarrollan diferentes narrativas con materialidades, medios de producción y consumo diferentes. Esas formas de construir versiones históricas cuentan con lenguajes distintos que conviven en un momento específico por lo que es posible encontrar en ellas discursos subyacentes que van más allá de una postura política. La interrelación de esos discursos construye en el ideario social una mirada panorámica sobre el suceso que las originó, de tal forma, que todas esas visualizaciones individuales han de conjuntar una sola memoria que en el futuro se tendrá del hecho. Ante esa premisa inicial, y tomando como base las teorías de los estudios visuales (Mirzoeff, Bal, etc.), y trabajos de autores como Zizeck, Anderson y Appaudari; el presente trabajo plantea los inicios del desarrollo de una metodología de análisis para esos "discursos hermanos" –particularmente novela gráfica, documental y sitio web– de un hecho histórico reciente (el caso Ayotzinapa), para establecer la forma en cómo se relacionan sus narrativas y cómo crean símbolos reconocibles en las comunidades de interpretación a las que se dirigen. ; Nowadays, different narratives are developed around the same news event, with different materialities, means of production and consumption. These ways of constructing historical versions have different languages that coexist in a specific moment, so it is possible to find in them underlying discourses that go beyond a political stance. The interrelation of these discourses builds in the social ideology a panoramic view of the event that originated them, in such a way that all these individual visualizations have to join a single memory of the event in the future. Given this initial premise, and taking as a basis the theories of visual studies (Mirzoeff, Bal, etc.), and works by authors such as Žižek, Anderson and Appaudari, this paper proposes the beginnings of the development of a methodology of analysis for these "sister discourses" – particularly graphic novels, documentaries and websites– of a recent historical event (the Ayotzinapa case), to establish how their narratives are related and how they create recognizable symbols in the communities of interpretation to which they are directed. ; Coordinación de Posgrado de Ciencias y Artes para el Diseño
Between the 1970s and the 1990s, discussions regarding the epistemo- logical status of historiography acquired centrality in some academic circles. Politics, rhetoric, science, and memory were not alien to those debates. More than being resolved, those tensions were put aside: most historians continue to seek ways to approach the reality of the past, while most of their critics continue to believe that, by doing so, they are prisoners of an illusion. The following article presents some of the central themes regarding the problem and argues both about the necessity of facing its challenges and the consequences of some of the proposed solutions. ; Entre las décadas de 1970 y 1990, las discusiones respecto del estatuto epistemológico de la historiografía ocuparon un lugar importante en algunos círculos académicos. Cuestiones vinculadas con la política, la retórica, la ciencia y la memoria no fueron ajenas a esos debates. Más que resolverse, la tensión al respecto fue dejada de lado: los historiadores, en su mayoría, siguen buscando aproximarse a la realidad pasada como lo hacían antes, mientras que sus críticos siguen pensando que, al hacerlo, son presa de una ilusión. El artículo que sigue presenta algunos temas centrales respecto del problema y argumenta tanto acerca de la necesidad de abordarlo cuanto sobre las implicancias de algunas soluciones.
The enchanted narration of representative regimes, despite their practice, today is so omnipotent that contradicting it is worthwhile. Deleting the rhetoric with which they legitimate themselves, the author shows the nature of government technique and dominion form that minimizes coercion. What comes to surface is a weave made of oscillations: between political synthesis of government action and recomposition of pluralism. ; A despecho de su práctica, el cuento maravilloso del régimen representativo hoy día es tan omnipotente como para que valga la pena contradecirlo. Despojándola de la retórica con la que se legitima, el autor analiza la naturaleza de la técnica de gobierno y de la forma de dominio que minimiza la coerción. De ahí que sobresalga una trama compuesta por oscilaciones entre la síntesis política de la acción de gobierno y la recomposición del pluralismo.
The enchanted narration of representative regimes, despite their practice, today is so omnipotent that contradicting it is worthwhile. Deleting the rhetoric with which they legitimate themselves, the author shows the nature of government technique and dominion form that minimizes coercion. What comes to surface is a weave made of oscillations: between political synthesis of government action and recomposition of pluralism. ; A despecho de su práctica, el cuento maravilloso del régimen representativo hoy día es tan omnipotente como para que valga la pena contradecirlo. Despojándola de la retórica con la que se legitima, el autor analiza la naturaleza de la técnica de gobierno y de la forma de dominio que minimiza la coerción. De ahí que sobresalga una trama compuesta por oscilaciones entre la síntesis política de la acción de gobierno y la recomposición del pluralismo.
After the fall of the Berlin Wall, East Germans fashioned new orientations for themselves through storytelling on all scales, from the most personal to the most official and public. Members of the opposition in the former German Democratic Republic were particularly successful in fashioning an authoritative official version of the East German past. To some extent such narratives, identifying victims and distributing blame, stood in place of legal processes, which were perceived as unsatisfactory. These official narratives, designated by the word Aufarbeitung, were understood to deliver an absolute form of truth, in contrast to deceptive public narrations practised in the GDR. The rhetoric of Aufarbeitung projected an attentive public which would receive the accounts, and an identification of that public with the German nation as a whole, even though the narratives were chiefly concerned with East Germans. These narratives were taken by some to amount to a metaphysically transcendent reality, History, circumscribing the horizons of human action. The moral value lent to this History was the greater because of an explicit contrast drawn between the long denial of a guilty past on the part of West Germans after the Nazi period, and the immediate Aufarbeitung undertaken for the GDR past. ; Tras la caída del Muro de Berlín, los alemanes del este elaboraron para sí mismos nuevas formas de orientación, sirviéndose de relatos construidos a diferentes escalas, desde los más personales hasta los públicos y oficiales. Los miembros de la oposición en la República Demócrata Alemana tuvieron un particular éxito en la construcción de una versión oficial autoritaria del pasado de la Alemania del este. A un cierto nivel, estas narrativas, que identificaban víctimas y repartían culpas, ocuparon el lugar de los procesos judiciales, que eran percibidos como poco satisfactorios. Estas narrativas oficiales, identificadas con la palabra Aufarbeitung, fueron entendidas como una forma absoluta de verdad, en contraste con las engañosas narraciones públicas realizadas en su día en la RDA. Aunque las narrativas estuviesen dirigidas principalmente a los alemanes del este, la retórica de la Aufarbeitung imaginaba un público curioso que, supuestamente, recibiría los informes, y se identificaría con la nación alemana como un todo. Algunos usaron estas narrativas para remontarse a una realidad metafísicamente trascendente, la Historia, que circunscribe los horizontes de la acción humana. El valor moral atribuido a esta Historia era máximo, a causa del contraste explícito que se dibujaba entre la prolongada negación de un pasado culpable, tras la etapa nazi en la Alemania Occidental, y el inmediato Aufarbeitung emprendido sobre el pasado de la RDA.
A caballo entre el siglo V y el VI, en el occidente de Britania que las poblaciones nativas retenían frente al impulso invasor de los anglosajones, el clérigo Gildas exhortó a los poderes seculares y laicos de su tiempo a despertar de su letargo, unirse y trabajar por la perfección espiritual y militar que les habría de permitir sobreponerse a sus enemigos. En su alocución, Gildas invocó un enigmático augurio sobre el final de la presencia anglosajona en Britania, el cual, pese a su significación política, no parece haber dejado huella en autores posteriores, que no vuelven a aludir a la cuestión. Esto ha hecho pensar a algunos historiadores que el augurio no formaba parte del texto original de Gildas, sino que es una interpolación posterior. Por su parte, Beda el Venerable, trabajando dos siglos después y desde el flanco opuesto (el de los anglosajones ya convertidos al cristianismo), fue el primero en hacer uso intensivo de la obra de Gildas, pero tampoco hizo referencia explícita al pronóstico sobre el fin de los anglosajones. Sin embargo, el propósito de este trabajo es sugerir que Beda no solo conocía el augurio y era consciente de su significado e importancia, sino que, siendo un especialista en cronología y computística, se esforzó por insertarlo tácitamente en su visión de la historia post-romana de Britania, poniéndolo en paralelo con el proceso de cristianización de los anglosajones. ; The demise of Roman rule in Britain seems to have been followed by a quick collapse of large-scale political articulation and the outburst of a number of native politities, of which very little is known. Between the mid and late fifth century, the Anglo-Saxons took over the east of southern Britain, absorbing the native population into a new ethnic, religious and political identity. BY the early sixth-century, though, such and expansion had come to a halt, and the Celtic-speaking, Christian inhabitants of southwestern Britain remained beyond Anglo-Saxon control, although that did not make their political organization less fragmented. Sometime between the very late fifth century and the mid-sixth century, a British cleric named Gildas wrote down a text (De excidio Britanniae) in which he exhorted the religious and secular rulers of the British polities to take action. Gildas's argument was that, for all the peace and calm the present generation enjoyed, the troubles of the past were not gone for ever. The enemy was still there and hardship would return. The kings and priests who –like a new Israel– had given up to leisure and forgot about God's precepts were castigated by Gildas and prompted to return to put down their sinful ways and prepare to face the fights to come with God on their side.In order to reinforce this argument, Gildas inserted in his narration of the Saxon invasion of Britain a quick reference to an omen which predicted that the new settlers would inhabit the island for three hundred years, and for half of this period (i.e.: one hundred and fifty years) they would repeatedly devastate it. This is a most enigmatic passage which has raised all sorts of opinions among historians, from those who consider it mere fabrication or interpolation to those who judge it as a colourful, exotic touch, whether due to Gildas's imagination and scriptural learning or to his knowledge of a real tradition about a real omen of Saxon provenance. However, given the political relevance of a forecast about the ending of the Saxons in Britain, it is striking that it has left nearly no trace of its existence. Later texts which sometimes replicate Gildas's passage about the Saxon invasion, systematically wrote out the Saxon omen, which has provided grounds for the views that it was an interpolation which did not originally feature in De excidio. ; This paper suggests that the reason why Gildas's Saxon omen was ruled out by later authors was due to two reasons: a) that most preserved texts belong to a period after the three-hundred years deadline has passed, thus rendering the omen pointless; b) that the Venerable Bede, whose Historia ecclesiastica gentis anglorum strongly influenced all history written in Britain thereafter, also disregarded the men in his largely Gildas-based account of the Saxon invasion. However, Bede did write before the end of the three-hundred year period. A detailed analysis of he dealt with the chronology of fifth-century events, and the paramount authority he ascribed to Gildas in so doing, reveals that Bede was well aware of the omen, according to which the ending of Saxons rule should occur within the next generation. Bede tried to relate the first term of the omen to the arrival of the Roman missionaries that started the Christianization of the Anglo-Saxons. His metaphorical interpretation of the one hundred years of plundering as the Anglo-Saxons' heathen period was probably intended to provide some clue with which to reinterpret the meaning of the omen's second term. However, Bede's computations never allowed him to provide a tight chronological frame for the omen. He struggled to precise the chronology of the missionaries' arrival and the varied steps of the Christianization, but failed to date the arrival of the Saxons with precision. To overcome this limitation, Bede introduced in his reckoning a certain measure of uncertainty —expressed with the Latin word circiter— which is demonstrably related to his estimations of the either the adventus Saxonum or the missionaries arrival. Eventually, he opted for omitting all reference to the omen, although both the layout of his chronology and the passages in which he expressed his concern about the immediate future bear witness to his worries.The realization of Bede's awareness of the Saxon omen and the ways in which he dealt with it provides new insights about how he constructed the complex rhetoric and discourse of his all-influential narrative of early medieval British history, as well as a more hidden image of the real weight he attached to political and cultural traditions coming from the island's Celtic-speaking side which features in his texts as the very "axis of evil" in the process of the Christianization of the Anglo-Saxons. ; Trabajo iniciado con apoyo de una beca post-doctoral del Ministerio de Educación y Cultura en el University College London y terminado en el marco del proyecto del Plan Nacional de I+D (ref. HUM/01812/HIST) «Los fundamentos del espacio europeo: comunidad, territorio y sistema político en la Europa altomedieval», desarrollado en el Instituto de Historia-CSIC. ; Peer reviewed