Suchergebnisse

U radu se analizira ideja nacije Antuna Gustava Matoša (1873. – 1914.), odnosno konstitutivni elementi koji čine njezine temelje. Polazeći od pretpostavke da nacija nije proizvoljni politički konstrukt jednoga vremena nego proizvod povijesne evolucije niza kohezivnih identifikacijskih čimbenika određene skupine ljudi, nastojimo izdvojiti njezinu formulu u hrvatskim okvirima. Temeljne sastavnice Matoševe ideje nacije sukladne su srednjoeuropskomu načelu razvoja nacija pa analiziramo njegove misli o jeziku, teritoriju, povijesnome iskustvu te mitovima i simbolima svojstvenima za ljude sa zajedničkim etničkim podrijetlom. U skladu s tezom da se nacija politički želi ostvariti u državi, posebna se pozornost pridaje istociljnomu političkom i gospodarskomu djelovanju koji otkrivaju važnost voljnoga elementa u izgradnji i bivanju dijelom nacije. Matoševa ideja nacije otkriva se kao koherentan, dinamičan i interkulturan ideal koji odbacuje isključivost nacionalističkoga diskursa te tako i danas pokazuje aktualnost i korisnost. ; The paper analyzes idea of nation of Antun Gustav Matoš (1873 – 1914), i.e. constitutive elements which form its foundations. Starting from the presupposition that nation is not an arbitrary political construction of one time but a product of historical evolution of a number of cohesive identification factors of a certain group of people, we are trying to sort out its formula in Croatian frameworks. Basic components of Matoš's idea of nation are coherent with Middle-European principle of nations' development, so we analyze his thoughts about language, territory, historical experience, myths and symbols characteristic for people with common ethnic origin. In accordance to the thesis that a nation wants to be politically accomplished in a state, special attention is given to the same political and economic activity which reveals significance of willing element in building and being a part of a nation. Matoš's idea of nation is revealed as a coherent, dynamic and intercultural ideal which rejects exclusiveness of the nationalist discourse and therefore it shows its actuality and usefulness.

Rad se bavi analizom reakcija Ujedinjenih naroda na zločin terorizma u obliku inkriminacije terorizma u nizu konvencija prihvaćenih u krilu te organizacije, no još više u obliku moralnih, ali i pravnih sankcija sadržanih u političkim osudama neobvezujućih rezolucija Opće skupštine, posebice tijekom hladnog rata, kao i u obvezujućim sankcijskim rezolucijama Vijeća sigurnosti počevši od 90-ih godina prošlog stoljeća. Pritom rad upućuje na specifičan razvojni proces koji počinje sankcijama prema državama odgovornima za tzv. "državni terorizam", a u posljednjih 15-ak godina sankcije su se gotovo potpuno usmjerile prema terorističkim organizacijama kao nedržavnim akterima te su razvojem međunarodnoga kaznenog pravosuđa otvorile prostor i individualnoj međunarodnoj kaznenoj odgovornosti za taj zločin. ; This paper analyzes the United Nations' reactions to the international crime of terrorism. It focuses on counter-terrorism international conventions adopted within the UN, as well as on moral and political sanctions contained in non-binding resolutions of the General Assembly during the period of the so-called ˝Cold war˝. However, the main focus of this research is on the analysis of legally binding resolutions adopted by the Security Council starting from the 1990s. The analysis of the development of the Security Council's resolutions adopted under Chapter VII of the UN Charter indicates that these resolutions, initially addressed to states responsible for the so- called ˝state terrorism˝, gradually became directed exclusively towards terrorist organizations as non-state actors. In this context, the ˝ISIL (Da'esh) and Al-Qaida Sanctions List˝ of the Security Council is being continuously expanded with names of individuals as well as of other non-state ˝entities and other groups˝ affected by these sanctions. Unfortunately, compared to the beginnig of 2015, when only 70 ˝entities and other groups˝ were listed, in March 2017 their number increased to over 360. These ˝entities and other groups˝, which originate from Tunisia, Mali, Albania, Afghanistan, Ethiopia, Bangladesh, the Comoros, Pakistan, Indonesia, Somalia, Kenya, Tanzania, Arabian Peninsula, Libya, Sudan, Egypt, the Caucasus region, Uzbekistan, and even Bosnia and Herzegovina, differ in various ways. Some of the above mentioned ˝entities˝ aim at overthrowing the government of their country, just like ˝classical˝ insurgents as temporary subjects of international law. Other non-state actors' activities are directed towards establishing a new state (for example, Ansar Eddine, Mouvement national de libération de l'Azawad – MNLA in Mali, Sudan People's Liberation Movement – SPLM in South Sudan). International crimes committed by these organizations are not only the object of the resolutions of the Security Council, but they are also in the focus of interest of the International Criminal Court (the ICC). Although the international crime of terrorism is not covered by the jurisdiction of the ICC under the Rome Statute, certain international crimes committed by terrorists or under the auspices of terrorist organizations share some common features with crimes against humanity, which fall under the jurisdiction of the ICC. Thus, the ICC indirectly contributes to the sanctioning for the crime of terrorism. Further evolution of the international criminal justice, both through the jurisprudence of the ICC and other ad hoc international and ˝hybrid˝ courts, will most certainly contribute to the development of international criminal liability of individuals for the crime of terrorism.

Liga naroda prva je moderna međunarodna organizacija koja je počivala na ideji kolektivne sigurnosti na globalnoj razini. Imajući to u vidu, u radu se nastoji na sustavan način razmotriti kolektivnu sigurnost i njezine mehanizme sadržane u Paktu Lige naroda. U tom cilju, nakon uvodnih razmatranja i kraćeg osvrta na pojmovno određenje, pretpostavke, korijene i kritike kolektivne sigurnosti, u radu se pobliže razmatraju njezini mehanizmi u Paktu Lige naroda kako bi se istražilo, prvo, u kojim su odredbama bili sadržani ti mehanizmi i u čemu su se oni sastojali; drugo, zašto ti mehanizmi nisu uspjeli ostvariti svoju svrhu. Iz tog razloga, zaključci u radu temeljeni su na normativnoj analizi Pakta Lige naroda, ali i na pojedinim primjerima iz povijesti međunarodnih odnosa u tom razdoblju. ; Although the idea of collective security has long existed in the history of international relations, the League of Nations was the first modern international organisation based on the idea of collective security at the global level. In this context, the author aims at giving a systematic review of collective security and its mechanisms comprised in the Covenant of the League of Nations. To this end, after introductory considerations and a short review of the conceptual definition, postulates, roots, and critiques of collective security, the paper discusses its mechanisms in the Covenant of the League of Nations in order to examine, firstly, which provisions encompassed these mechanisms and what they were composed of and secondly, why these mechanisms failed to achieve their purpose. For this reason, the conclusions in this paper rely on a normative analysis of the Covenant of the League of Nations, as well as on the specific examples from the history of international relations during the period considered.

Although the idea of collective security has long existed in the history of international relations, the League of Nations was the first modern international organisation based on the idea of collective security at the global level. In this context, the author aims at giving a systematic review of collective security and its mechanisms comprised in the Covenant of the League of Nations. To this end, after introductory considerations and a short review of the conceptual definition, postulates, roots, and critiques of collective security, the paper discusses its mechanisms in the Covenant of the League of Nations in order to examine, firstly, which provisions encompassed these mechanisms and what they were composed of and secondly, why these mechanisms failed to achieve their purpose. For this reason, the conclusions in this paper rely on a normative analysis of the Covenant of the League of Nations, as well as on the specific examples from the history of international relations during the period considered. ; Liga naroda prva je moderna međunarodna organizacija koja je počivala na ideji kolektivne sigurnosti na globalnoj razini. Imajući to u vidu, u radu se nastoji na sustavan način razmotriti kolektivnu sigurnost i njezine mehanizme sadržane u Paktu Lige naroda. U tom cilju, nakon uvodnih razmatranja i kraćeg osvrta na pojmovno određenje, pretpostavke, korijene i kritike kolektivne sigurnosti, u radu se pobliže razmatraju njezini mehanizmi u Paktu Lige naroda kako bi se istražilo, prvo, u kojim su odredbama bili sadržani ti mehanizmi i u čemu su se oni sastojali; drugo, zašto ti mehanizmi nisu uspjeli ostvariti svoju svrhu. Iz tog razloga, zaključci u radu temeljeni su na normativnoj analizi Pakta Lige naroda, ali i na pojedinim primjerima iz povijesti međunarodnih odnosa u tom razdoblju.

The Belt and Road Initiative proclaimed by President Xi in 2013, a strategy developed by the Chinese government, is very important to China but is not confined to China. In order for the initiative to be successful it needs to be embraced by the countries on the terrestrial and maritime route indicated in the plan. In the late 1980s Deng Xiaoping proposed to integrate Socialism with Chinese Characteristics (Zhongguo Tese Shehui Zhuyi,中国特色社国主国) into global capitalism and in the 1990s the Jiang Zemin leadership initiated the Going out policy (Zouchuqu Zhanlue, 走出去国略) – the current Belt and Road Initiative is China's continuation in implementing those policies into actual deeds. China's accession to WTO in 2001 marked China's full integration into the global economy and since then the People's Republic of China (PRC) has become the largest trading partner for more than 180 countries. The Xi-Li administration has been extremely proactive since it was established in 2012; from that year on, Chinese behavior in international affairs has gained an ever-growing role as a forger of economic and diplomatic ties between countries. The primary example of this behavior is the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). As every serious foreign policy plan, the BRI is an accumulation of various other initiatives. For example, the cooperation mechanism "16+1", with which the PRC has approached Central and Eastern European Countries (CEEC), can be integrated under the BRI. This paper analizes the "16+1" China-CEEC cooperation mechanism in the context of the bigger BRI initiative, and tries to comprehend the economic and political factors intertwined with its implementation. ; The Belt and Road Initiative proclaimed by President Xi in 2013, a strategy developed by the Chinese government, is very important to China but is not confined to China. In order for the initiative to be successful it needs to be embraced by the countries on the terrestrial and maritime route indicated in the plan. In the late 1980s Deng Xiaoping proposed to integrate Socialism with Chinese Characteristics (Zhongguo Tese Shehui Zhuyi,中国特色社国主国) into global capitalism and in the 1990s the Jiang Zemin leadership initiated the Going out policy (Zouchuqu Zhanlue, 走出去国略) – the current Belt and Road Initiative is China's continuation in implementing those policies into actual deeds. China's accession to WTO in 2001 marked China's full integration into the global economy and since then the People's Republic of China (PRC) has become the largest trading partner for more than 180 countries. The Xi-Li administration has been extremely proactive since it was established in 2012; from that year on, Chinese behavior in international affairs has gained an ever-growing role as a forger of economic and diplomatic ties between countries. The primary example of this behavior is the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). As every serious foreign policy plan, the BRI is an accumulation of various other initiatives. For example, the cooperation mechanism "16+1", with which the PRC has approached Central and Eastern European Countries (CEEC), can be integrated under the BRI. This paper analizes the "16+1" China-CEEC cooperation mechanism in the context of the bigger BRI initiative, and tries to comprehend the economic and political factors intertwined with its implementation.

Raspravljajući o porijeklu hrvatske nacije, autor u prvom dijelu odbacuje tvrdnju da se ona razvijala kao tzv. "jezična nacija". Također osporava gledište da je u tome bitnu ulogu imalo jugoslavenstvo. Zatim pokazuje da je hrvatska nacija nastala u procesu međusobnih interakcija socijalnih i povijesnih vrijednosti, koje su napokon odredile njezinu individualnost spram svake druge zajednice na cjelokupnom prostoru Srednje i Jugoistočne Europe. Sve je to autor dokazao u drugom dijelu rasprave, gdje analizira hrvatski nacionalno-politički program, koji je nastao za revolucije 1848/49. godine. U njemu su hrvatski liberali i demokrati jasno odredili individualnost hrvatske nacije i hrvatske države (ujedinjene Trojedne Kraljevine Hrvatske), i to kao jedinstvene, samostalne i autonomne moderne države u sklopu konfederalnog političkoga i društvenog sustava Srednje Europe (austrijske konfederacije). ; In the present paper the author deals with the origin and development of Croatian nation, and creation of the modern Croatian state (Tripartite Kingdom of Croatia) in the first half of the 19th century, especially during the 1848/49 revolution, at several levels: idea about nation, ideology, political and social programmes, political actions, institutions, and political community. If considered from the point of view of new socio-political processes, when transformation of a people into a modern national-political community takes place, we can see that Slavic peoples in the middle and south-eastern Europe formed multinational states, but followed some quite clear courses: formation of individual ethnic and national communities within a plural social system. Being aware of these historical processes, at the time of formation of their own national communities, these Slavic peoples (according to the level of their social and political organizations), especially in 1848, asked for a change of traditional societies and reorganization of the existing empires, not only by the language national principle, but also by the principle of sovereignty, policy of federalism and confederalism and the principles of international law and international agreement. All this should have made possible formation of essentially new political communities: individual national states within equal and democratic multinational communities, but within a new middle-class society. However, considered from the point of view of formation of the identity and individuality of Croatian nation, which is the subject of this paper, it is indisputable that Croatian national political programme and programme of confederalism as well as legal principles compatible with them (like natural and national laws, Croatian historical and constitutional laws, international law and international agreements), which were the values Croatian politicians based their national policy on since 1848, had the essential influence on the explicit quality of Croatian national-political individuality, and thus, looking historically, on the integration of Croatian nation and creation of Croatian political and state community (the united State of Croatia). The subject and vey complex structure of that political programme had an impact onto clear definition of Croatian national-political community (the united Tripartite Kingdom of Croatia) in relation to other political communities in such a multinational state as it was the Habsburg Monarchy. And that state, in their eyes should have been formed (within the new middle-class society, and a democratic and parliamentary system) on confederal basis, by means of international agreements between quite equal ethnic/national states: within the middle European Austrian confederation. In any case, Croatian nation (if we consider its national integrative processes in terms of events, in terms of idea and ideology and/or in terms of ethnic identity) was not formed nor developed as solely the so-called "language nation", as historiography would like it. For, neither is ethnos (not even ethnic community, or people, or nation, or ethnic identity) only a language-cultural category, nor the Croatian politicians and reformers took only language and culture to determine Croatian people and nation. On the contrary, Croatian nation was formed in the process of interactions of social and historical values which defined its individuality in relation to any other community on the whole area of middle and south-eastern Europe. Also, Croatian nation was not formed only as a natural community (determined by natural conditions of work and society and genealogic structure, i. e. determined by undefined Slavic union and/or undefined Slavic ethnic identity), but, in the course of processes of modernization, it was formed first of all as a historical community, based on group institutions of its own historical community. In other words, Croatian nation was formed on its own cultural, political, state and public-law traditions. It is quite clear that in this process neither Slavism, nor Illyrism, nor Yugoslavism had any role more important that the secondary one, not even for the definition of any particular ethnic identity. Illyrism and Yugoslavism had declarative ideological meaning, expressed through the idea of still non-existing community. On the contrary, Croatianism (as a national principle, as a community and as a legal, state and political system) was an expression of existence of Croatian community as reality. Thus, if we want to discuss the integration of Croatian nation and formation of Croatian political community, i. e. the united State of Croatia, we should realize that these processes were influenced by numerous values and structures, especially spiritual-cultural, political, economic, legal and social. However, the importance of political system and all its substructures – political action, political organization of the community, political programme and formation of a modern national state — should also be noted. Formation of Croatian political and state community, which was clearly stated in the Croatian national and political programme of 1848/49, assumed: 1) associating the segments of Croatian people into one political people, within one integral Croatian political community; 2) uniting of all Croatian provinces into one united Croatian state (Tripartite Kingdom of Croatia, Dreieiniges Koenigreich Kroatien). And these were the most important determinants which led to the political homogeneity and formation of Croatian nation and Croatian modern state.

U radu autor na temelju izvornog arhivskog gradiva, onodobne periodike i relevantne literature analizira događanja oko naftnih polja zapadnog Srijema (s posebnim naglaskom na onom u Đeletovcima), a u kontekstu provedbe triju mirovnih operacija Ujedinjenih naroda u Hrvatskoj (UNPROFOR, UNCRO i UNTAES). Imajući na umu presudnu stratešku važnost naftnih polja zapadnog Srijema, autor zaključuje da su mirovne snage, čak i unutar ograničenja tradicionalnih operacija za čuvanje mira (UNPROFOR i UNCRO), propustileaktivnim nastupom spriječiti krađu nafte, čime su ohrabrile krajinske Srbe u politici opstrukcije mirovnih operacija. Do aktivnije uloge mirovnih snaga je, iako u promijenjenim okolnostima, ipak došlo početkom operacije UNTAES, što je bio trenutak u kojem je zacrtan kasniji uspjeh mirne reintegracije hrvatskog Podunavlja. ; In this paper the author analyses occurrences connected with the oilfields of western Syrmia (with special emphasis on the oilfield in Đeletovci) based on archival material, the periodicals of the time and relevant literature in the context of the implementation of the three peacekeeping operations of the United Nations in Croatia (UNPROFOR, UNCRO and UNTAES). Bearing the decisive strategic importance of oilfields of western Syrmia in mind, the author has come to the conclusion that the peacekeeping forces, even within the limitations of traditional peacekeeping operations (UNPROFOR and UNCRO) failed to prevent oil theft by an active approach. By doing so they encouraged the Krajina Serbs in their policy of obstructing the peacekeeping operations. However, a more active role of the peacekeeping forces, albeit in altered circumstances, occurred at the beginning of the UNTAES operation, which was the moment when the later success of the peaceful reintegration of the Croatian Danube River Basin was set out.