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In the study entitled "Nation as a constitutional concept" there are presented the ways of adapting the term "nation" for the legal positioning of people as a collective in the Polish constitutional acts, beginning with the first Polish Constitution of 1791, to the Republic of Poland's amended Constitution of 1997. There are analyzed the reasons of substituting the term "nation" in favour of other expressions in the constitutional act of 1935 and the reasons of the excessive use of the national rhetoric in the legal standards in the 1952 Constitution of People's Republic of Poland. Including the traditional meaning of the term "nation" for Poles and transformations of United Europe's countries character, in the article there are analyzed the relations between the term "nation", understood as citizens overall, and the definition of "society" and "civil society" including the citizens, residents of the state, independently of the citizen status. ; Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim

The study attempts an analysis of the relationship between the concepts of state and nation sovereignty. The thesis has been proposed that state sovereignty could be regarded as a derivation of nation sovereignty. While attempting to approve of the proposed thesis, the authors describe the relationship between both institutions by referring to their origins. In the light of concepts of sovereignty, the relationship between state and international law is presented from a philosophical perspective. Approving the proposed thesis, the authors conclude that regardless of whether state sovereignty derives from nation sovereignty or not, the two concepts refer to different backgrounds which can be seen both in their origins and contemporary realities. ; The study attempts an analysis of the relationship between the concepts of state and nation sovereignty. The thesis has been proposed that state sovereignty could be regarded as a derivation of nation sovereignty. While attempting to approve of the proposed thesis, the authors describe the relationship between both institutions by referring to their origins. In the light of concepts of sovereignty, the relationship between state and international law is presented from a philosophical perspective. Approving the proposed thesis, the authors conclude that regardless of whether state sovereignty derives from nation sovereignty or not, the two concepts refer to different backgrounds which can be seen both in their origins and contemporary realities. ; The study attempts an analysis of the relationship between the concepts of state and nation sovereignty. The thesis has been proposed that state sovereignty could be regarded as a derivation of nation sovereignty. While attempting to approve of the proposed thesis, the authors describe the relationship between both institutions by referring to their origins. In the light of concepts of sovereignty, the relationship between state and international law is presented from a philosophical perspective. Approving the proposed thesis, the authors conclude that regardless of whether state sovereignty derives from nation sovereignty or not, the two concepts refer to different backgrounds which can be seen both in their origins and contemporary realities.

Societies around the globe have been witnessing the emergence of the radical right, often seen as the result of neoliberal globalization. Democratic governance, liberalism, human rights, and values are being questioned while populist, authoritarian, and ethnonationalist forms of governance are being offered. In the European Union, the tumultuous developments have been testing the viability of the identity marker of Europeanness and its perseverance in EU member states. What we are witnessing are significant shifts in the discourse about sameness and otherness, the convergence of left and right ideologies and the emergence of hybrid forms of authoritarianism and democracy that have been dubbed as illiberal democracy or authoritarian liberalism. The rise of the radical right and its mobilization across the EU member states is reflective of these processes, and it is the goal of this author to understand the mechanisms behind the empowerment, mobilization, and normalization of radical right through the case study of Slovakia. In particular, the effort of this paper is to understand how the far-right party Kotlebovci – Ľudová Strana Naše Slovensko (ĽSNS) in Slovakia re-conceptualized the notion of nation and normalized far-right ideology as a pretext of a broader mobilization.

Poland belonged to the original members of the League of Nations, organ­ization that began its activity a hundred years ago – in 1920. The legal basis for the organization's functioning was the Covenant of the League of Nations, in­corporated into peace treaties concluded after the First World War. To a recently reborn Polish state aspiring to shape its relations in the international community, the membership in this organization was of great importance. Poland was the first state to establish the permanent delegation to the League of Nations. Polish rep­resentatives participated in the works of the main League's bodies: the Assembly and the Council. Poland sought to obtain a permanent seat in the Council, while it was a semi-permanent member there. Poland was also a state that often partic­ipated in proceedings before the Permanent Court of International Justice. How­ever, in the 1930s, due to organization's ineffectiveness in preventing the interna­tional conflicts and resolving international disputes, has grown disappointment with the activities of the League of Nations among the Polish diplomacy. ; Polska należała do pierwotnych członków Ligi Narodów, która rozpoczęła działalność sto lat temu – w 1920 r. Podstawę prawną funkcjonowania organizacji stanowił Pakt Ligi Narodów, włączony do traktatów pokojowych, zawartych po I wojnie światowej. Członkostwo w organizacji miało duże znaczenie dla odro­dzonego państwa polskiego, które kształtowało swoje stosunki w społeczności międzynarodowej. Polska była pierwszym państwem, które ustanowiło przy Lidze swojego stałego delegata. Polscy przedstawiciele uczestniczyli w pracach głównych organów Ligi: Zgromadzeniu i Radzie. Polska starała się o uzyskanie stałego miejsca w Radzie, natomiast była w niej członkiem półstałym. Była też państwem, które często uczestniczyło w postępowaniach przed Stałym Trybuna­łem Sprawiedliwości Międzynarodowej. W latach 30. XX w. w kręgach polskiej dyplomacji wzrastało rozczarowanie działalnością Ligi Narodów spowodowa­ne jej nieskutecznością w zakresie zapobiegania konfliktom międzynarodowym i rozwiązywania sporów międzynarodowych.

The international law order is the first in which we can observe the use of mediation as a legal institution. The mediation activity conducted by the United Nations is a model for contemporary legal entities. The entity is characterized by a multitude of normative regulations and undertaking informational and promotional actions in the field of mediation. The areas of action of the United Nations include interventions in political, international and domestic disputes, trade disputes, and internal disputes thus determine the UN's promediation activities in three spheres of activity: 1) mediation activities under the direction of the UN Department of Political and Peacebuilding Affairs. It involves mediation with the UN Secretary-General as a mediator. The conduct of mediation is aimed at resolving international and domestic disputes; 2) activities of the United Nations Commission on International Trade Law (UNCITRAL), Working Group II: Arbitration and Conciliation / Dispute Resolution. It is the UN unit specialising in the use of mediation to settle trade disputes in a variety of entities; 3) the United Nations is an organization which employs tens of thousands of people of various nationalities, cultures and operating in different areas. This area is within the Ombudsman's responsibility as part of mediation services. The entity deals with the internal environment of the organization, resolves disputes, including those through mediation between UN employees. ; Międzynarodowy porządek prawny jest pierwszym, w którym możemy zaobserwować zastosowanie mediacji jako instytucji prawnej. Wzorem dla współczesnych podmiotów prawa jest działalność w przedmiocie mediacji prowadzona przez Organizację Narodów Zjednoczonych. Podmiot charakteryzuje się mnogością regulacji normatywnych oraz podejmowaniem akcji informacyjnych i promocyjnych w zakresie mediacji. Płaszczyzny działania ONZ obejmują m.in. interwencje w spory polityczne, międzynarodowe i krajowe, spory handlowe, spory wewnętrzne, determinując tym samym promediacyjną działalność ONZ w trzech sferach działalności: 1) działalność mediacyjna pod kierunkiem Departamentu Spraw Politycznych i Budowy Pokoju ONZ. Obejmuje prowadzenie mediacji z wykorzystaniem osoby Sekretarza Generalnego ONZ jako mediatora. Wykonywanie mediacji jest ukierunkowane na rozwiązywanie sporów międzypaństwowych i wewnątrzpaństwowych; 2) działalność Komisji ONZ ds. Międzynarodowego Prawa Handlowego (UNCITRAL), Zespół II: Arbitraż i koncyliacja / Rozwiązywanie sporów. To komórka ONZ specjalizująca się w wykorzystywaniu mediacji do opanowywania sporów handlowych w różnych konfiguracjach podmiotowych; 3) Organizacja Narodów Zjednoczonych zatrudnia dziesiątki tysięcy ludzi wywodzących się z różnych narodowości, kultur i działających na różnym terenie. Ten obszar jest właściwy dla działalności Ombudsmana w ramach świadczonych usług mediacyjnych. Podmiot zajmuje się środowiskiem wewnętrznym organizacji, rozwiązuje spory, w tym w drodze mediacji pomiędzy pracownikami ONZ.

The Impact of Great Powers on the Structure and Competences of the International Humanitarian Organisation the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA)UNRRA – United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration, whose achievements are not sufficiently reflected in the historiography of the post-war period, is an interesting object of research for many reasons. In this article, we have attempted to show the mechanisms which great powers resorted to in order to secure a dominant position not just in terms of prerogatives but also administrative structure. The main task of the UNRRA was to offer aid needed for the economic and moral reconstruction of the countries occupied by the Axis. This was a massive challenge in logistical and theoretical terms. An efficiently functioning aid organisation could serve not just peace building on humanitarian foundations but also be a test for the paradigm of the United Nations the founding of which it preceded. And it was for just those reasons that many countries expressed apprehension as to the US dominance visible in the negotiations while realising that humanitarian assistance without taking account of the economic potential of that power would have been doomed to fail.

When an authoritarian country lacks opportunities for free political activity, the diaspora and its leaders often take on the role of the democratic opposition against the authoritarian government and act as a political force for democratization. Although political activity abroad is very challenging and limited per se, the example of the Belarusian diaspora and its leaders demonstrates that they can play the role of an internationally recognized political entity. The pro-democratic activity of the Belarusian diaspora focuses on three main areas: the continuation of resistance against the authoritarian regime, the advancement of political representation, and the development of a credible democratic alternative including a political program for a future democratic Belarus. Yet the Russian aggression against Ukraine has put Belarusian opposition abroad at the front of a dilemma as to whether they should also take on a clear nation-building in the new geopolitical context.

The article discusses critical opinions addressed at present to the UNO by the States and scholars. It was already during the San Francisco conference that the States raised objections to the adopted solutions. After 43 years of its existence, the UNO is still far from fulfilling the hopes which were fostered at the time of its foundation. The causes of shortcomings may be found in structural and managerial deficiencies. The complexity of the UNO structure influences the dissipation of efforts and makes the coordination more difficult. The waste of means on countless programmes, sub-programmes and projects has often been subject to criticism. The efforts to increase efficiency through establishing organs which were to improve the system failed (eg. Administrative Commitee on Co-ordination, Commitee on Programme and Co-ordination, Joint Inspection Unit). However, those organs helped to record and disclose shortcoming and their sources by way of Publishing critical reports. Managerial problems consist mostly in difficulties with poor professional qualifications of the UNO staff. The view that the professional level decreases constantly is shared by 69% of diplomats employed in the UNO-affiliated missions. Critical opinions are voiced also with respect to the unreality of projects, declarativity and mere talk present in the UN system. Particular organizations established on regional and political grounds, the number of which grows constantly and at present is close to 330, are far more efficient. The UNO documents indicate that the member-States most often call for the amendments of provisions on the Security Council, and in the first place on its composition and voting system. The author shares the view that multiplying agencies and organs, or abortive attempts to limit the role of superpowers in the Security Council will not bring adequate effects. Little efficiency of the UNO in maintaining the world peace may be eliminated not through a direct structure reform of the system but indirectly through activities aimed at improving the economic situation of the South. The UNO should work out a worldwide welfare programme which would influence indirectly the consolidation of the world peace through increasing the economic level of conflict-generating regions. Such a programme would have to adopt a system of preferences, for the existing free-market rules the disproportions between the North and the South. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The purpose of the present paper is to characterise the UN General Assembly (UNGA) Resolution No. 65 276 on the 'Participation of the European Union in the work of the United Nations.' This resolution was adopted as a result of efforts undertaken by the EU following the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon which radically changed the principles and conditions of the EU's participation in other international organisations. Pursuant to the provisions of Resolution 65 276, the EU was granted a new set of new rights at the UNGA as well as in some of its subsidiary bodies, international conferences and meetings held under its auspices. Despite these changes, the status of the EU at the UNGA is not similar to the status of observer states, and Resolution 65 276 points out that the same rights may also be accorded to other regional international organisations. Consequently, the UNGA does not account for the uniqueness of the integration process in the EU member states, treating the EU like any other international organisation.