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The challenges facing the nation-state in contemporary Africa are increasingly attracting the attention of scholars interested to understand how the decomposition and recomposition of popular political identities on the continent are affecting the post-colonial unitary project. The studies presented in this volume show that the challenges to the post-colonial nation-state project in Africa have mainly taken ethno-regionalist, religious and separatist forms. These challenges have been shaped by the long drawn-out economic crisis, zero-sum, market-led structural adjustment, and the legacy of decades of political authoritarianism and exclusion that dates from the colonial period. The contributors to this book present different suggestions to promote national unity and a supporting civic identity in Africa. ; CONTENTS: 1. The Crisis of the Post-Colonial Nation-State Project in Africa / Liisa Laakso and Adebayo O. Olukoshi -- 2. Changing Notions of the Nation-State and the African Experience: Montesquieu Revisited / Liisa Laakso -- 3. The Weakness of "Strong States". The Case of Niger Republic / Jibrin Ibrahim -- 4. The Deepening Crisis of Nigerian Federalism and the Future of the Nation-State / Adebayo O. Olukoshi and Osita Agbu -- 5. Ghana: Violent Ethno-Political Conflicts and the Democratic Challenge / E.O. Akwetey -- 6. The Nation-State Project and Conflict in Zimbabwe / Lloyd M. Sachikonye -- 7. The National Question in Zaire: Challenges to the Nation-State Project / Ernest Wamb-dia-Wamba -- 8. Christianity and Islam Contending for the Throne on the Tanzanian Mainland / Nestor N. Luanda -- 9. Resuscitating the Majimbo Project: The Politics of Deconstructing the Unitary State in Kenya / Mutahi Ngunyi

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The possibility for transnational democratic representation is a huge topic. This article is restricted to exploring two unconventional aspects. The first concerns 'the representative claim', extending one critical part of previous analysis of the assessment of such claims, especially by largely unelected transnational actors. The second, which strongly conditions the account of the first, concerns 'slow theory' as the way to approach building democratic models and, in particular, to approach transnational democratic representation. © 2011 M. Saward.

[Introduction]: Today much of our daily business involves the use of the Internet and, through it, electronic commerce or e-commerce. We buy products and pay bills over the net. We access information for work, pleasure or to satisfy our curiosity. We have the ability to communicate with friends and colleagues across the city or across the world instantaneously. We have the ability to conduct research without ever visiting a library. But the revolution in life-style and work for each of us as individuals has been matched or exceeded by the changes this electronic revolution has brought to every sector of the business community. Massive changes in areas such as health, education and entertainment are also occurring. But what if it all suddenly stopped? What if the Australian Stock Exchange went off line for a day or even longer? What if the banks, most of whose business customers and a growing number of individual customers use and rely on line services, were shut down by a denial of service attack? What if the credit card systems were shut down and ATMs unable to function for a significant period? The result would be chaotic and the cost immense. A denial of service attack involves the sending of many messages to a site at the same time with the effect that the system is effectively 'jammed'. If the perpetrator of what is a premeditated 'terrorist' attack on the target site decided to repeat the attack at various intervals (and from different locations) the disruption could be maintained for a significant period. Because of the nature of e-commerce the site must be accessible to the public and other businesses so a change of site name is no solution. Business would come to a standstill. In Australia the ASX is susceptible to a denial of service attack now that both brokers and individual traders rely on the net to do business. Such an attack would not only cost millions in lost business it may seriously affect the value of the dollar. If a number of financial institutions were targeted at once it would further exacerbate the apparent perception that the Australian economy is old world rather than new. That perception is often cited as the reason for the continued fall in the value of the Australian dollar. In short we would face an economic catastrophe. It is ironic that the extent to which Australia has adopted electronic commerce makes it so vulnerable. Such an attack would, of course, involve a serious and deliberate act with huge financial consequences. Yet such an attack is not a criminal offence in Australia. At least not as a matter of federal law unless, perhaps, the target of the attack is a Commonwealth-owned facility. The difficulty arises because the sending of messages to such sites is exactly what the operators of such sites want to happen. It is the frequency and volume that causes the problem. However, the UK made such conduct a criminal offence more than a decade ago. While the Commonwealth has still not acted, some Australian states are contemplating legislation to deal with this problem and related criminal activity that could create widespread interruption to our business activities. Why has the Commonwealth been so slow to react? What are the consequences of this inactivity? Can we deal with the issues at this stage or is it too late? These are some of the issues I want to explore. We are at a critical stage. A number of very significant opportunities have already been lost. For reasons that are not apparent the Federal Government has ignored warning signs and advice. The Australian business community, always antagonistic to government action, has been its own worst enemy in not pressing the Government for action. This failure to act has been made worse because of the continued inability of Australian law enforcement to have the legal capacity, resources and skills to combat such criminal behaviour.

There is a consensus amongst policy makers that education can provide the solution to the fundamental problem of liberal democracies – how to reconcile social justice with economic efficiency at a time when income and wealth are being polarised in Anglophone-dominated societies like Aotearoa New Zealand. This presents a paradox, since it is well understood that children living in poverty are likely to under-perform in education. Moreover, the standard explanation for the polarisation of income in terms of the global demand for skill is itself deficient. This paper explores the nature of this paradox, and the inadequate account given for polarisation of income, as a first step towards the development of an alternative agenda which is more likely to meet the goals of justice and efficiency in the context of the new global competition.

ÖZETAvrupa Bütünleşmesi sürecinin Avrupa ulus-devletine olan etkileri ve ulus-devlet kavramının aldığı son şekli irdeleyebilmek için geçmişten günümüze yapılan bir çok analizin vardığı ortak nokta, ulus-devletlerin etkinliğini koruduğunu göstermektedir. Globalleşme ve bütünleşme hareketlerinin olumsuz etkilerine rağmen işlevlerini ve gücünü tamamen kaybetmemiş olan ulus-devlet, bir çok açıdan Avrupa Birliği içerisinde de siyasal hayatın halen en etkin çıkış noktasıdır. Alınan tüm kararlar, başlatılan tüm süreçler ve siyasal bütünleşme yolunda atılan her adım, Birliğe üye ulus-devletlerin kontrolünden geçmektedir. Her ne kadar ileri boyutlarda ulus-devletlerden Avrupa Birliği'ne egemenlik devri ve kurumların giderek daha etkin karar alma gücüne ulaştığı görülse de, bu durum tamamen ulus-devletlerin özgür iradeleriyle meydana gelmektedir; dolayısıyla Birliği amaçlarına ulaşmada motive eden ve gereken insiyatifleri üreten başlıca kurum ulus-devlettir. Bu bağlamda ulus-devletler AB şemsiyesi altında, globalleşme ve karşılıklı bağımlılığın giderek arttığı bir ortamda kendilerini yeniden üretme fırsatı bulmaktadırlar. Bu surette, AB, onlar için karşı konulması gereken bir tehdit değil, tersine ekonomik ve siyasi faydalarıyla varlıklarını daha güçlü bir biçimde sürdürmelerine olanak sağlayan "demirledikleri kuytu bir liman" haline gelmektedir. Avrupalılaştırma politikaları sayesinde kendi başlarına altından kalkamayacakları bir çok alanda yakın işbirliği olanağı bulan ulus-devletler, ekonomiden sosyal yaşama sayısız reformlar (halk desteği olmadığı durumlarda AB'ye sığınarak) gerçekleştirmiştir. Avrupa Birliği ister federal bir devlet haline gelsin, isterse genişleme ve giderek yavaşlayan karar alma mekanizmaları yüzünden bir gerileme sürecine girsin Avrupa ulus-devletlerinin varlıklarını değişime uğrasalar da sürdürmeleri ve AB'nin geleceğinde başlıca söz sahibi durumunda olmaları kaçınılmaz gibi görünmektedir. ABSTRACTThe European nation-state, which did not lose its functions and powers despite the negative effects of globalisation and integration movements, is still the main corner-stone of the political life within the European Union. All the decisions, processes and every step toward the political integration are under the ultimate control of the nation-states. In spite of the fact that the European Union is strengthened by the transfer of sovereignty from the member nation-states, this situation emerges from the free-will of nation-states themselves; by this way, the main institution that produce the essential initiatives and motivate the European Union in the way of achieving its goals, is the nation-state. Within this perspective, nation-states find the opportunity of regenerating themselves under the umbrella of the European Union, in an environment where the effects of globalisation and increasing interdependency are quite high. So, the European Union is not a threat that must be prevented from, for the nation-states, but it becomes "a still harbour" that provide better solutions to the economic, social and political problems.

Citizens require independent reporting more than ever in the news coverage of conflict in the 21st century. The traditional role of national governments has been compromised both by terrorism and by technology that makes hard borders porous. It is unlikely that citizens or policymakers will cope with those changes unless they are reminded how the world has changed. That is an essential role for journalism, and provides a distinction between the terms nationalistic press and patriotic press. A nationalistic press simply repeats governmental messages; a patriotic press reports independently and keeps fundamental interests of citizens in mind.

Citizens require independent reporting more than ever in the news coverage of conflict in the 21st century. The traditional role of national governments has been compromised both by terrorism and by technology that makes hard borders porous. It is unlikely that citizens or policymakers will cope with those changes unless they are reminded how the world has changed. That is an essential role for journalism, and provides a distinction between the terms nationalistic press and patriotic press. A nationalistic press simply repeats governmental messages; a patriotic press reports independently and keeps fundamental interests of citizens in mind.

Citizens require independent reporting more than ever in the news coverage of conflict in the 21st century. The traditional role of national governments has been compromised both by terrorism and by technology that makes hard borders porous. It is unlikely that citizens or policymakers will cope with those changes unless they are reminded how the world has changed. That is an essential role for journalism, and provides a distinction between the terms nationalistic press and patriotic press. A nationalistic press simply repeats governmental messages; a patriotic press reports independently and keeps fundamental interests of citizens in mind.

The article explores the increasing gap between the cultural dynamics of transnationalization in Germany and the national self-perception of the German society. While concepts of "in-migration" (Zuwanderung) and "integration" still stick to notions of the nation-state as being a "container" embracing and controlling a population and a culture of its own, the various processes of material and imaginary mobility across the national borders contradict and challenge this notion as well as its political implications. By drawing on the transnational life-worlds and the cultural productivity of migrants, anthropological research has made important contributions to render visible this challenge. It is argued, however, that an all too exclusive focus on migration may, in fact, rather conceal the wider effects of transnationalisation and cultural globalisation on the society and its cultural fabric as a whole.

Digitised version produced by the EUI Library and made available online in 2020.

During the last years we have witnessed more and more fears that the nation state and its ability to set demanding standards in fields like environmental policy has diminished in the context of globalisation. There is, on the other hand, the hopeful prognosis of neo-classical economists that the same globalisation would be connected with deregulation and fundamental reduction of the role of government. Neither the fear nor the hope of a withering away of the nation state in times of globalisation are supported by empirical research. States in concert have expanded and co-ordinated their regulatory powers. And it is only the nation state, the guarantor of diverse societal interests, that has the competence, the resources, the power and legitimacy to regulate the actions of disparate actors who might otherwise destroy shared environmental resources. There is a remarkable potential at least in the advanced OECD countries to promote change by the adoption of a pioneering policy, the stimulation of international competition and the diffusion of best practice. This potential of the highly advanced countries may be seen as a moral obligation to assume a higher responsibility for the global environmental development. The advanced nations cannot hide behind the fictive monster of globalisation, seemingly legitimising any kind of inactivity. On the contrary, it is their obligation to provide the world with better "demonstration effects", with a better model of production and consumption overcoming the resource and environment intensive model of the past.

ÖZETTÜRKİYE'DE ULUS-DEVLET İNŞASI VEGAYRİ-MÜSLİM AZINLIKLAR: BİR RESMİ SÖYLEM ANALİZİ Bu çalışma, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti'nin gayri-Müslim azınlıklara yönelik resmi politikalarını ve Cumhuriyetin kurucu kadrolarının ve Türk milliyetçiliği ideologlarının resmi söylemini incelemektedir. Bu araştırmanın en temel amacı, Türkiye'de ulus-devlet inşa sürecinde gayri-Müslim azınlıklara yönelik politikaların gerisindeki devlet ideolojisini Türk milliyetçiliğinin evrimini göz önünde bulundurarak çözümlemektir. Bu çalışmada, şu soruların yanıtı aranmıştır: Türkiye Cumhuriyeti'nin gayri-Müslim azınlıklara yönelik devlet ideolojisi ve resmi söylemi liderler ve ulusal ideologların konuşmalarında ve beyanlarında ne şekilde formüle edilmiştir? Gayri-Müslimler resmi söylemde hangi düzeyde ulus ve vatandaşlık tanımı içinde yer almışlardır. Resmi söylem kendi içinde ve azınlıklara yönelik uygulama ve hukuki metinlerle ne kadar tutarlıdır? Çalışmanın ilk bölümünde, gayri-Müslim azınlıklara yönelik resmi söylem ve devlet ideolojisi, ulus ve vatandaşlık tanımları açısından Cumhuriyet'in kurucu kadrolarının konuşmaları, demeçleri ve yazdıkları incelenmektedir. İkinci bölümde, resmi söylemin ulus-devlet inşa sürecinde gayri-Müslim azınlıklara yönelik politikalarla ve yasal metinlerle uyum içinde olup olmadığı incelenmektedir. Bu çalışmada savunulan temel hipotez gayri-Müslim azınlıklara yönelik resmi söylem tutarlı bir yapıya sahip değildir. Gerek kendi içinde gerekse uygulama ve yasal metinlerle çelişmektedir. ABSTRACTNATION-STATE BUILDING IN TURKEY AND NON-MUSLIM MINORITIES:AN ANALYSIS OF OFFICIAL DISCOURSEThis work analyses the official policies of Turkish Republic towards non-muslim minorities of Turkey and the official discourse of leadership of the Republic and the leading ideologues of Turkish nationalism. The primary aim of this research is to analyze the state ideology behind the official policy towards non-muslim minorities during the nation-sate building process in Turkey within the context of Turkish nationalism. In this thesis, following questions are elaborated: What is the state ideology and official discourse of Turkish Republic on non-Muslims as formulated in the speeches and statements of the chief leaders and national ideologues? To what extent are non-Muslims included within the definitions of the nation and citizenship in official discourse? To what degree official discourse is coherent within itself as well as coherent with the legal texts and official policies regarding non-Muslims? In the first part of the thesis, the formulation of official discourse and state ideology towards non- Muslim minorities is examined in respect to the statements and writings of chief leaders of the Republic regarding the definition of nation and citizenship. In the second part, it is aimed to find that whether the official discourse is in accordance with the policies of the period followed towards non-Muslim minorities. As a basic hypothesis of this work, it is argued that official discourse regarding non-Muslim minorities has a paradoxical nature. It is paradoxical not only within itself but as well as with official policies of the Republic.

Digitised version produced by the EUI Library and made available online in 2020.

After the end of the Cold War, the Baltic Sea Region (BSR) developed into a highly dynamic area of cross-border cooperation and transnational networking. Four types of governance beyond the nation-state are discussed here: (1) international regimes, such as the Helsinki Convention for the Protection of the Baltic Sea; (2) transnational policy networks, such as Baltic 21, the world's first regional Agenda 21; (3) transnational networks, such as the Union of the Baltic Cities (UBC); and (4) the European Union with approaches such as the "Northern Dimension" for the development of the Baltic Sea Region. Governance towards sustainable development of the Baltic Sea Region undoubtedly requires a combination of national governance with these governance types beyond the nation-state. In this respect, transnational (policy) networks and the European Union provide promising new approaches that can complement the traditional forms of international and intergovernmental cooperation between nation-states. These new governance types represent two parallel trends: a development towards (1) transnationalization and (2) the Europeanization of the Baltic Sea Region. ; Nach dem Ende des Kalten Krieges entwickelte sich die Ostseeregion zu einem außerordentlich dynamischen Raum der grenzüberschreitenden Kooperation und der transnationalen Netzwerkbildung. In dem vorliegenden Artikel werden vier Typen der Governance jenseits des Nationalstaates diskutiert: (1) internationale Regime wie die Helsinki-Konvention zum Schutz der Ostsee; (2) transnationale Politiknetzwerke wie die Baltic 21, die weltweit erste regionale Agenda 21; (3) transnationale Netzwerke wie die "Union of the Baltic Cities" (UBC); und (4) die Europäische Union mit Ansätzen wie der "Northern Dimension" zur Entwicklung der Ostseeregion. Governance in Richtung auf eine nachhaltige Entwicklung des Osteseeraums erfordert zweifelsohne eine Kombination aus nationaler Governance mit diesen Governance-Typen jenseits des Nationalstaats. In dieser Hinsicht liefern transnationale (Politik-)Netzwerke und die Europäische Union viel versprechende neue Ansätze, welche die traditionellen Formen der internationalen und intergouvernementalen Kooperation zwischen Nationalstaaten ergänzen können. Diese neuen Governance-Typen repräsentieren zwei parallele Trends in Richtung auf (1) die Transnationalisierung und (2) die Europäisierung der Ostseeregion.