Suchergebnisse

Nationalism as ideology in modern Greece answered a challenging task: establish the link between Modern and Ancient Greece and by so doing create a definite relationship with the Western democracies, heirs of the Athenian polis of the 5th century BC. This article looks into this process by analysing the use of two fundamental terms in contemporary Greek: genos and ethnos. Genos, (from the verb gignomai, to be born, to become), a key word within a patrilineal -and Mediterranean- kinship system, stands as the equivalent of "nation" in Ottoman times, when genos referred to the Rum millet, the greek-orthodox religious minority, a category involving both kinship and religious ties. Ethnos takes over from genos during the 19th century, as notions of territory, citizenship and state authority become constitutive of collective identity. Hence self-representations opposing Balkan=traditional to European=modern social and cultural systems inform contemporary conflicts involving ethnic identity in the Balkans.

Nationalism as ideology in modern Greece answered a challenging task: establish the link between Modern and Ancient Greece and by so doing create a definite relationship with the Western democracies, heirs of the Athenian polis of the 5th century BC. This article looks into this process by analysing the use of two fundamental terms in contemporary Greek: genos and ethnos. Genos, (from the verb gignomai, to be born, to become), a key word within a patrilineal -and Mediterranean- kinship system, stands as the equivalent of "nation" in Ottoman times, when genos referred to the Rum millet, the greek-orthodox religious minority, a category involving both kinship and religious ties. Ethnos takes over from genos during the 19th century, as notions of territory, citizenship and state authority become constitutive of collective identity. Hence self-representations opposing Balkan=traditional to European=modern social and cultural systems inform contemporary conflicts involving ethnic identity in the Balkans.

Nationalism as ideology in modern Greece answered a challenging task: establish the link between Modern and Ancient Greece and by so doing create a definite relationship with the Western democracies, heirs of the Athenian polis of the 5th century BC. This article looks into this process by analysing the use of two fundamental terms in contemporary Greek: genos and ethnos. Genos, (from the verb gignomai, to be born, to become), a key word within a patrilineal -and Mediterranean- kinship system, stands as the equivalent of "nation" in Ottoman times, when genos referred to the Rum millet, the greek-orthodox religious minority, a category involving both kinship and religious ties. Ethnos takes over from genos during the 19th century, as notions of territory, citizenship and state authority become constitutive of collective identity. Hence self-representations opposing Balkan=traditional to European=modern social and cultural systems inform contemporary conflicts involving ethnic identity in the Balkans.

Nationalism as ideology in modern Greece answered a challenging task: establish the link between Modern and Ancient Greece and by so doing create a definite relationship with the Western democracies, heirs of the Athenian polis of the 5th century BC. This article looks into this process by analysing the use of two fundamental terms in contemporary Greek: genos and ethnos. Genos, (from the verb gignomai, to be born, to become), a key word within a patrilineal -and Mediterranean- kinship system, stands as the equivalent of "nation" in Ottoman times, when genos referred to the Rum millet, the greek-orthodox religious minority, a category involving both kinship and religious ties. Ethnos takes over from genos during the 19th century, as notions of territory, citizenship and state authority become constitutive of collective identity. Hence self-representations opposing Balkan=traditional to European=modern social and cultural systems inform contemporary conflicts involving ethnic identity in the Balkans.

This sociology thesis is about the clarification of specific dynamics of pluralization and fragmentation, which determine worker's subjectivities, in the light of sui generis neo-liberalization process in Turkey. Trough the data gathered during a field research on the mine workers of Zonguldak, workers of petrochemical industry of Petkim and workers of steel industry of Isdemir, we aim at studying the opposition between nation-state worker and glocalization worker. Throughout the first chapter we examine the different moments of neo-liberalization in the context of Turkey and also the "class struggle" that took place there around the wave of privatization after the year 2000. From our point of view, it is a class struggle between the market movement (represented by the "Muslim" entrepreneurship relying mostly on export) and regulation movement (represented chiefly by the State establishment and also by the great capital-owner class). The main objective of these sections of the thesis is to show how the Hero and Merchants compete with each other during the first decade of 21st century, and also the ideological and political consequences of this rivalry upon the social space. The final section is dealing with the various positions taken by the worker's union towards the same process: rapprochement between the nationalist unionism and the opposition unionism on the privatization matter against the unionism of glocalization. In the chapter concerning the field research, the worker's space is described on the basis of antagonism of affects experienced by the surveyed workers, facing the societal changes on the one hand, and transformation of the working conditions on the other: In this analysis hope, deception, security, desperation revealed themselves as the four affects that workers feels during the neo-liberalization process in Turkey. The last section of the second chapter contains some observations about the prevailing affects in the two ideal-types of worker: the deception of the nation-state worker, which ...

International audience ; What kind of relationship between the citizens and the European political system do we expect? Should it be a new kind of relationship, or will it be of the same kind than the relationship citizens have with their nation? In this later case, how do the citizens of Europe manage the duality of identification, towards Europe and their nation? This article confirms that far from the periods of sustained public debate on Europe, the antagonism between the variables of commitment to Europe and to its nations is weak; while the relationship becomes strongly negative during notably the European electoral campaigns. This contextual effect is stronger for people not interested in politics that for politically involved people. Moreover, a close observation of the relationship between the declarations of national and European pride shows that the core of this first dimension is not the choice between levels of legitimacy but the disposition to organize them into a hierarchy. As a conclusion, the author underlines the consequences of this analysis on the way Europe should be taught to its young future citizens. ; Ce texte s'inscrit dans la lignée des travaux menés en commun avec André-Paul Frognier depuis bientôt une quinzaine d'années . Il se propose de revisiter l'aspect conceptuel de l'approche des attitudes des citoyens à l'égard de l'Union Européenne qui a été la nôtre. Je partirai de la constatation que, en l'espace d'une décennie, les travaux portant sur les relations entre les citoyens et le système politique nées de l'intégration européenne ont globalement troqué une approche par les attitudes et le soutien à une interrogation sur l'identité. Or il me semble que, sur le plan conceptuel, les conséquences de ce changement d'approche n'ont pas suffisamment été prises en compte par la science politique. Mon objectif sera en conséquence d'esquisser une définition de l'identification à l'Europe telle que la notion d'identité soit effectivement adaptée à l'objet qui est le sien, à savoir, la ...