Suchergebnisse

The article explores the rationale of the Romanian political community as defined by its successive constitutional layouts, since the first fundamental law of 1866, including the Communist constitutional settings, and concluding with the post-communist constitutional design. This consistency of the political community is tested by means of an analytical distinction between the Nation-State and the National State. The former is understood as the institutional underpinning of a community bearing a political project. The latter is seen as the institutional outcome of an ethnic group and the warrant of its political integrity. Such an examination of the Romanian constitutional production sheds light on the historical and unambiguous predominance of the National State, while the Nation State emerged briefly and warily in the Romanian setting in the form of the socialist nation state. By the same token, this approach questions the adequacy between democracy and this rationale of the Romanian political community. While the socialist Nation State, as it was constitutionally designed, failed to guarantee the effectiveness of popular democracy, the Romanian National State, as it was shaped by the successive constitutional texts, pre-communist and post-communist, was always unable to accommodate completely with democracy.

Mentre si celebra il centenario dell'accordo Sykes-Picot, la disintegrazione attuale degli Stati siriano e iracheno resta frequentemente attribuita al supposto carattere «artificiale» che avrebbero loro conferito le frontiere coloniali fissate arbitrariamente. Qui viene messa in causa l'eterogeneità etnico-confessionale delle entità create dagli imperialismi francese e britannico, aventi come corollario l'idea che qui si sarebbe di fronte a Stati che avrebbero fatto fallimento per l'assenza di identità nazionale. Qui per la Siria si porterà l'argomento inverso, affermando che la persistenza dei legami primordiali etnici e confessionali, in quanto vettori di mobilitazione politica, non risulta dalla debolezza dell'idea nazionale, ma piuttosto da quella di istituzioni statali, le quali, essendo di recente costruzione, si sono mostrate permeabili a queste solidarietà primordiali e le hanno anzi rafforzate. ; Alors que l'on célèbre le centenaire de l'accord Sykes-Picot, la désintégration actuelle des États syrien et irakien demeure fréquemment attribuée au caractère supposément «artificiel» que leur aurait conféré l'arbitraire des frontières coloniales. Est ici mise en cause l'hétérogénéité ethno-confessionnelle des entités créées par les impérialismes français et britannique, avec pour corollaire l'idée que l'on serait ici face à des États qui auraient échoué du fait de l'absence d'identité nationale. On fera ici, pour la Syrie, l'argument inverse en affirmant que la persistance des liens primordiaux ethniques et confessionnels en tant que vecteurs de mobilisation politique ne résulte pas de la faiblesse de l'idée nationale mais plutôt de celle d'institutions étatiques qui, parce que de construction récente, se sont montrées perméables à ces solidarités primordiales et les ont renforcées en retour.

In this article the issue of basic income is analyzed along five main research vectors: A putative "Italian delay" concerning both the reception of the international debate on basic income and the original elaboration of its constitutive elements; Labor transformations in late capitalism; The role played by nation-states in the European space; The new functions performed the realm of social reproduction in contemporary value-producing activities; The supposed existence of an ecologically harmful productivist nexus at the very core of the (different versions of the) Fordist welfare state. ; 1 ; stefano.lucarelli@unibg.it ; open ; Non definito ; open ; Lucarelli, Stefano ; Lucarelli, Stefano