The words "there is nothing certain in this world except death and taxes" proclaimed by Benjamin Franklin do not lose meaning after more than two centuries. Let us leave the problem of death or life to another publication and discuss taxes. A bit different from usual. I will disappoint a reader, an analyst or a government representative who sees taxes together through the prism of the base and the tariff, but does not ask the question "why?". For decades, the psychological motives of consumers have been discovered and established as a way to economic science. And taxes are not an exception here, but there is little due cause, especially in practice. And unnecessarily, because the work here would make it possible to enrich the arum of the state — all of us
The words "there is nothing certain in this world except death and taxes" proclaimed by Benjamin Franklin do not lose meaning after more than two centuries. Let us leave the problem of death or life to another publication and discuss taxes. A bit different from usual. I will disappoint a reader, an analyst or a government representative who sees taxes together through the prism of the base and the tariff, but does not ask the question "why?". For decades, the psychological motives of consumers have been discovered and established as a way to economic science. And taxes are not an exception here, but there is little due cause, especially in practice. And unnecessarily, because the work here would make it possible to enrich the arum of the state — all of us
The words "there is nothing certain in this world except death and taxes" proclaimed by Benjamin Franklin do not lose meaning after more than two centuries. Let us leave the problem of death or life to another publication and discuss taxes. A bit different from usual. I will disappoint a reader, an analyst or a government representative who sees taxes together through the prism of the base and the tariff, but does not ask the question "why?". For decades, the psychological motives of consumers have been discovered and established as a way to economic science. And taxes are not an exception here, but there is little due cause, especially in practice. And unnecessarily, because the work here would make it possible to enrich the arum of the state — all of us
Each country seeks to create a unique national brand that discloses its identity and image, and helps other nations to uncode its economic, cultural, political and other strengths. Nation branding is one of the processes for image formation and development, and the aim of image is to stimulate exports, attract tourism flows and investments, and create positive perception in international level. Nation branding is important not only for popularization of nation brand externally, but also for formation of residents' attitudes towards the country, for internal image and reputation. In other words the effect of nation branding is dual. The intensifying interest of scholars and practitioners from different fields in nation branding conditions the emergence of interdisciplinary studies that leads to a better understanding of this phenomenon. The idea that nation image creation and strengthening in geopolitical space depends on synergy of nation branding and public diplomacy is reasoned in this paper. The synergy of nation branding and public diplomacy disclose a contemporary effect and complementary of these different processes.
Each country seeks to create a unique national brand that discloses its identity and image, and helps other nations to uncode its economic, cultural, political and other strengths. Nation branding is one of the processes for image formation and development, and the aim of image is to stimulate exports, attract tourism flows and investments, and create positive perception in international level. Nation branding is important not only for popularization of nation brand externally, but also for formation of residents' attitudes towards the country, for internal image and reputation. In other words the effect of nation branding is dual. The intensifying interest of scholars and practitioners from different fields in nation branding conditions the emergence of interdisciplinary studies that leads to a better understanding of this phenomenon. The idea that nation image creation and strengthening in geopolitical space depends on synergy of nation branding and public diplomacy is reasoned in this paper. The synergy of nation branding and public diplomacy disclose a contemporary effect and complementary of these different processes.
Each country seeks to create a unique national brand that discloses its identity and image, and helps other nations to uncode its economic, cultural, political and other strengths. Nation branding is one of the processes for image formation and development, and the aim of image is to stimulate exports, attract tourism flows and investments, and create positive perception in international level. Nation branding is important not only for popularization of nation brand externally, but also for formation of residents' attitudes towards the country, for internal image and reputation. In other words the effect of nation branding is dual. The intensifying interest of scholars and practitioners from different fields in nation branding conditions the emergence of interdisciplinary studies that leads to a better understanding of this phenomenon. The idea that nation image creation and strengthening in geopolitical space depends on synergy of nation branding and public diplomacy is reasoned in this paper. The synergy of nation branding and public diplomacy disclose a contemporary effect and complementary of these different processes.
Each country seeks to create a unique national brand that discloses its identity and image, and helps other nations to uncode its economic, cultural, political and other strengths. Nation branding is one of the processes for image formation and development, and the aim of image is to stimulate exports, attract tourism flows and investments, and create positive perception in international level. Nation branding is important not only for popularization of nation brand externally, but also for formation of residents' attitudes towards the country, for internal image and reputation. In other words the effect of nation branding is dual. The intensifying interest of scholars and practitioners from different fields in nation branding conditions the emergence of interdisciplinary studies that leads to a better understanding of this phenomenon. The idea that nation image creation and strengthening in geopolitical space depends on synergy of nation branding and public diplomacy is reasoned in this paper. The synergy of nation branding and public diplomacy disclose a contemporary effect and complementary of these different processes.
The majority of the countries applied the doctrine of absolute state immunity till the second half of the XX-th century, however, as the world trade has changed, a new doctrine of a restricted immunity has become relevant. The latter imposes that the state participates on equal basis with other persons and does not use its immunity in private legal relations. To be true, this overturn has not happened suddenly, but as a result of court practise in the separate countries. As a result of that, the European Convention on State Immunity was signed in Basel in 1972, and the United Nations codified appropriate countries and their property, and immunities in the Convention on Jurisdictional Immunities of States and Their Property in 2004. It's a pity, but the latter has not been in effect yet, so a state immunity has not exceeded the international custom institute. The Civil Procedure Code of the Republic of Lithuania 1964 established the absolute state immunity doctrine, as well. This norm is the Soviet Lithuania's heritage that has not met the changing social relations, political and economic structure of independent Lithuania. So the Supreme Court of the Republic of Lithuania in its 1998 year case V. Stukonis vs. USA Embassy established a restricted immunity doctrine. As there is no official common list of the exceptions from the state immunity, the particular exceptions are important. That is why the Thesis analyzes not only the commercial, but also exceptions in the labor law and delicts. The national courts, including Lithuanian ones, lack developing court practise, reflected by detailed legal reasoning in applying the exceptions from the state immunity. The rare examples, as the UK and the US, have passed the national legal acts, regulating the state immunity thus repeatedly proving the inconsecutive process of the state immunity regulation.
The majority of the countries applied the doctrine of absolute state immunity till the second half of the XX-th century, however, as the world trade has changed, a new doctrine of a restricted immunity has become relevant. The latter imposes that the state participates on equal basis with other persons and does not use its immunity in private legal relations. To be true, this overturn has not happened suddenly, but as a result of court practise in the separate countries. As a result of that, the European Convention on State Immunity was signed in Basel in 1972, and the United Nations codified appropriate countries and their property, and immunities in the Convention on Jurisdictional Immunities of States and Their Property in 2004. It's a pity, but the latter has not been in effect yet, so a state immunity has not exceeded the international custom institute. The Civil Procedure Code of the Republic of Lithuania 1964 established the absolute state immunity doctrine, as well. This norm is the Soviet Lithuania's heritage that has not met the changing social relations, political and economic structure of independent Lithuania. So the Supreme Court of the Republic of Lithuania in its 1998 year case V. Stukonis vs. USA Embassy established a restricted immunity doctrine. As there is no official common list of the exceptions from the state immunity, the particular exceptions are important. That is why the Thesis analyzes not only the commercial, but also exceptions in the labor law and delicts. The national courts, including Lithuanian ones, lack developing court practise, reflected by detailed legal reasoning in applying the exceptions from the state immunity. The rare examples, as the UK and the US, have passed the national legal acts, regulating the state immunity thus repeatedly proving the inconsecutive process of the state immunity regulation.
The majority of the countries applied the doctrine of absolute state immunity till the second half of the XX-th century, however, as the world trade has changed, a new doctrine of a restricted immunity has become relevant. The latter imposes that the state participates on equal basis with other persons and does not use its immunity in private legal relations. To be true, this overturn has not happened suddenly, but as a result of court practise in the separate countries. As a result of that, the European Convention on State Immunity was signed in Basel in 1972, and the United Nations codified appropriate countries and their property, and immunities in the Convention on Jurisdictional Immunities of States and Their Property in 2004. It's a pity, but the latter has not been in effect yet, so a state immunity has not exceeded the international custom institute. The Civil Procedure Code of the Republic of Lithuania 1964 established the absolute state immunity doctrine, as well. This norm is the Soviet Lithuania's heritage that has not met the changing social relations, political and economic structure of independent Lithuania. So the Supreme Court of the Republic of Lithuania in its 1998 year case V. Stukonis vs. USA Embassy established a restricted immunity doctrine. As there is no official common list of the exceptions from the state immunity, the particular exceptions are important. That is why the Thesis analyzes not only the commercial, but also exceptions in the labor law and delicts. The national courts, including Lithuanian ones, lack developing court practise, reflected by detailed legal reasoning in applying the exceptions from the state immunity. The rare examples, as the UK and the US, have passed the national legal acts, regulating the state immunity thus repeatedly proving the inconsecutive process of the state immunity regulation.
The majority of the countries applied the doctrine of absolute state immunity till the second half of the XX-th century, however, as the world trade has changed, a new doctrine of a restricted immunity has become relevant. The latter imposes that the state participates on equal basis with other persons and does not use its immunity in private legal relations. To be true, this overturn has not happened suddenly, but as a result of court practise in the separate countries. As a result of that, the European Convention on State Immunity was signed in Basel in 1972, and the United Nations codified appropriate countries and their property, and immunities in the Convention on Jurisdictional Immunities of States and Their Property in 2004. It's a pity, but the latter has not been in effect yet, so a state immunity has not exceeded the international custom institute. The Civil Procedure Code of the Republic of Lithuania 1964 established the absolute state immunity doctrine, as well. This norm is the Soviet Lithuania's heritage that has not met the changing social relations, political and economic structure of independent Lithuania. So the Supreme Court of the Republic of Lithuania in its 1998 year case V. Stukonis vs. USA Embassy established a restricted immunity doctrine. As there is no official common list of the exceptions from the state immunity, the particular exceptions are important. That is why the Thesis analyzes not only the commercial, but also exceptions in the labor law and delicts. The national courts, including Lithuanian ones, lack developing court practise, reflected by detailed legal reasoning in applying the exceptions from the state immunity. The rare examples, as the UK and the US, have passed the national legal acts, regulating the state immunity thus repeatedly proving the inconsecutive process of the state immunity regulation.
In the thesis transformation of the international organizations will be analyzed. Nation-state foreign policy approach will be applied to the analysis, because international organizations are a peculiar kind of political systems. This leads to the general key research question: how and why do international organizations change? The methodological purpose of the thesis is too show the limits of existing scholarship on international organizations, because they neglect the external factors behind actual change within international organizations. The organizations NATO and the UN were chosen as cases. The UN from an international law point of view is undeniably the most important IO and the only truly system-wide IO; whereas NATO is seen by many as simply the strongest IO due to its combined military strength. In the thesis it will be argued that the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 served as an external shock and had an empirical effect on NATO and the UN. The main empirical aim of the analysis is to explore 9/11 effect upon two cases of IOs, namely the UN and NATO, in an attempt to gain better understanding of their transformation processes. The intention is also to explore the further effect of this change upon the security policy situation of small states. The research question of the thesis: how and why were the United Nations and North Atlantic Treaty Organization affected by the events of 9/11? Therefore the following tasks are set in the analysis: 1. to construct an approach to the study of change within international organizations applying nation-state foreign policy approach; 2. to analyse the effect of the end of the Cold War upon NATO and the UN; 3. to elaborate on the UN and NATO policy change following to 9/11 terrorist attacks upon the United States and evaluate the strength of NATO and the UN in terms of their commonality, specificity and autonomy; 4. to explore the further effect of the change in the UN and NATO upon the security policy situation of small states. Analysis confirmed that paradigmatic and radical changes in IOs are due to the external dynamics: external shocks, that is. The analysis showed that the influence of the external shocks significantly depends on how it challenges the original purpose and activities of the organizations. Applying Charles Hermann's (1990) external shock framework showed that the end of the Cold War and the events of 9/11 had bigger impact on NATO than the UN. However, the UN experienced minor adjustment as it had to deal with slight program (after the Cold War) and goal (after 9/11) changes. As predicted, the shift from regional issues to global area is not effects small countries negatively. The de-regionalization of both IOs cases makes small member states feel left behind and less solidarity. Although Denmark and Lithuania declare full support to the NATO and UN activities and understand that changes are necessary for the organizations, they are deeply concerned about the global shift of the organizations as the change effects their security policy. In the analysis the comparative and descriptive analytical method is being used.
In the thesis transformation of the international organizations will be analyzed. Nation-state foreign policy approach will be applied to the analysis, because international organizations are a peculiar kind of political systems. This leads to the general key research question: how and why do international organizations change? The methodological purpose of the thesis is too show the limits of existing scholarship on international organizations, because they neglect the external factors behind actual change within international organizations. The organizations NATO and the UN were chosen as cases. The UN from an international law point of view is undeniably the most important IO and the only truly system-wide IO; whereas NATO is seen by many as simply the strongest IO due to its combined military strength. In the thesis it will be argued that the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 served as an external shock and had an empirical effect on NATO and the UN. The main empirical aim of the analysis is to explore 9/11 effect upon two cases of IOs, namely the UN and NATO, in an attempt to gain better understanding of their transformation processes. The intention is also to explore the further effect of this change upon the security policy situation of small states. The research question of the thesis: how and why were the United Nations and North Atlantic Treaty Organization affected by the events of 9/11? Therefore the following tasks are set in the analysis: 1. to construct an approach to the study of change within international organizations applying nation-state foreign policy approach; 2. to analyse the effect of the end of the Cold War upon NATO and the UN; 3. to elaborate on the UN and NATO policy change following to 9/11 terrorist attacks upon the United States and evaluate the strength of NATO and the UN in terms of their commonality, specificity and autonomy; 4. to explore the further effect of the change in the UN and NATO upon the security policy situation of small states. Analysis confirmed that paradigmatic and radical changes in IOs are due to the external dynamics: external shocks, that is. The analysis showed that the influence of the external shocks significantly depends on how it challenges the original purpose and activities of the organizations. Applying Charles Hermann's (1990) external shock framework showed that the end of the Cold War and the events of 9/11 had bigger impact on NATO than the UN. However, the UN experienced minor adjustment as it had to deal with slight program (after the Cold War) and goal (after 9/11) changes. As predicted, the shift from regional issues to global area is not effects small countries negatively. The de-regionalization of both IOs cases makes small member states feel left behind and less solidarity. Although Denmark and Lithuania declare full support to the NATO and UN activities and understand that changes are necessary for the organizations, they are deeply concerned about the global shift of the organizations as the change effects their security policy. In the analysis the comparative and descriptive analytical method is being used.
In the thesis transformation of the international organizations will be analyzed. Nation-state foreign policy approach will be applied to the analysis, because international organizations are a peculiar kind of political systems. This leads to the general key research question: how and why do international organizations change? The methodological purpose of the thesis is too show the limits of existing scholarship on international organizations, because they neglect the external factors behind actual change within international organizations. The organizations NATO and the UN were chosen as cases. The UN from an international law point of view is undeniably the most important IO and the only truly system-wide IO; whereas NATO is seen by many as simply the strongest IO due to its combined military strength. In the thesis it will be argued that the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 served as an external shock and had an empirical effect on NATO and the UN. The main empirical aim of the analysis is to explore 9/11 effect upon two cases of IOs, namely the UN and NATO, in an attempt to gain better understanding of their transformation processes. The intention is also to explore the further effect of this change upon the security policy situation of small states. The research question of the thesis: how and why were the United Nations and North Atlantic Treaty Organization affected by the events of 9/11? Therefore the following tasks are set in the analysis: 1. to construct an approach to the study of change within international organizations applying nation-state foreign policy approach; 2. to analyse the effect of the end of the Cold War upon NATO and the UN; 3. to elaborate on the UN and NATO policy change following to 9/11 terrorist attacks upon the United States and evaluate the strength of NATO and the UN in terms of their commonality, specificity and autonomy; 4. to explore the further effect of the change in the UN and NATO upon the security policy situation of small states. Analysis confirmed that paradigmatic and radical changes in IOs are due to the external dynamics: external shocks, that is. The analysis showed that the influence of the external shocks significantly depends on how it challenges the original purpose and activities of the organizations. Applying Charles Hermann's (1990) external shock framework showed that the end of the Cold War and the events of 9/11 had bigger impact on NATO than the UN. However, the UN experienced minor adjustment as it had to deal with slight program (after the Cold War) and goal (after 9/11) changes. As predicted, the shift from regional issues to global area is not effects small countries negatively. The de-regionalization of both IOs cases makes small member states feel left behind and less solidarity. Although Denmark and Lithuania declare full support to the NATO and UN activities and understand that changes are necessary for the organizations, they are deeply concerned about the global shift of the organizations as the change effects their security policy. In the analysis the comparative and descriptive analytical method is being used.
