Suchergebnisse

Apesar da literatura sobre o recente enfraquecimento de funções básicas do Estado Nacional por obra da globalização, o Estado-nação vem demonstrando admirável resiliência, isto é, flexibilidade e capacidade de adaptação às mudanças. Partindo da perspectiva das relações internacionais, o artigo realiza levantamento da geografia política do mundo contemporâneo, indicando as razões que levaram à criação, no século XX, de nada menos de 150, do total de cerca de duzentos Estados existentes. Analisa o caráter ambivalente dos fatores de mudança, nem sempre no sentido do enfraquecimento do Estado, e se detém no caso da União Européia, única exceção de êxito na construção, ainda incompleta, de configuração pós-nacional. ; Notwithstanding recent studies about the alleged weakening of some basic functions of nation-states on account of globalization, national states have been showing remarkable resiliency, that is, flexibility and adaptability to change. Starting from the perspective of international relations, the article undertakes a review of contemporary world's political geography, pointing out some of the reasons that explain the creation, during the XXth century, of 150 out of a total number of 200 existing national states. It analyses the ambivalent nature of some of the forces for change, not always towards national state weakening, and devotes special attention to the European Union, the only example of a still unfinished construction of a post-national configuration.

This article aims to reveal the role of political power in the construction of collective identity through the collective memory. Three aspects is seeking to "hook" in the theoretical level: the determined trends of globalised current time, the national state as a homogeneous "imagined" community and cultural heritage as a historical reality and factor of joining together communities. The analysis uncovers that globalization is a dualistic phenomena. The tendencies could be marked under living conditions today: the ontological anxiety of society, a collective identity crisis, the legal and actual threats to the sovereignty, which may retain the nation state. Nationalism, as the ideological force homogenizing state and society, is strongly actualizing and becomes a "headache" not only for communities but also for the political authorities, who can't stay away from declaring liberal laissez-faire principle, but must choose one from David Brown's proposed nationalism strategies of society's consolidation: ethno-cultural, civic or multicultural. Cultural heritage expressing a symbolic link to the legacy of previous generations must now become not only culturally, but also political and economic resource to the communities and politicians to create the basis for the stability of society and the state. The role of cultural heritage in the international political economy, development of public image models and developing positive relationships with neighbors in the historical context is very relevant today. Reinterpretation of cultural heritage dissonances in academic and public discourses should help to reconstruct the historical oblivion and construct the new formulas of collective identity in the second millennium of Lithuania.

This article aims to reveal the role of political power in the construction of collective identity through the collective memory. Three aspects is seeking to "hook" in the theoretical level: the determined trends of globalised current time, the national state as a homogeneous "imagined" community and cultural heritage as a historical reality and factor of joining together communities. The analysis uncovers that globalization is a dualistic phenomena. The tendencies could be marked under living conditions today: the ontological anxiety of society, a collective identity crisis, the legal and actual threats to the sovereignty, which may retain the nation state. Nationalism, as the ideological force homogenizing state and society, is strongly actualizing and becomes a "headache" not only for communities but also for the political authorities, who can't stay away from declaring liberal laissez-faire principle, but must choose one from David Brown's proposed nationalism strategies of society's consolidation: ethno-cultural, civic or multicultural. Cultural heritage expressing a symbolic link to the legacy of previous generations must now become not only culturally, but also political and economic resource to the communities and politicians to create the basis for the stability of society and the state. The role of cultural heritage in the international political economy, development of public image models and developing positive relationships with neighbors in the historical context is very relevant today. Reinterpretation of cultural heritage dissonances in academic and public discourses should help to reconstruct the historical oblivion and construct the new formulas of collective identity in the second millennium of Lithuania.

This article aims to reveal the role of political power in the construction of collective identity through the collective memory. Three aspects is seeking to "hook" in the theoretical level: the determined trends of globalised current time, the national state as a homogeneous "imagined" community and cultural heritage as a historical reality and factor of joining together communities. The analysis uncovers that globalization is a dualistic phenomena. The tendencies could be marked under living conditions today: the ontological anxiety of society, a collective identity crisis, the legal and actual threats to the sovereignty, which may retain the nation state. Nationalism, as the ideological force homogenizing state and society, is strongly actualizing and becomes a "headache" not only for communities but also for the political authorities, who can't stay away from declaring liberal laissez-faire principle, but must choose one from David Brown's proposed nationalism strategies of society's consolidation: ethno-cultural, civic or multicultural. Cultural heritage expressing a symbolic link to the legacy of previous generations must now become not only culturally, but also political and economic resource to the communities and politicians to create the basis for the stability of society and the state. The role of cultural heritage in the international political economy, development of public image models and developing positive relationships with neighbors in the historical context is very relevant today. Reinterpretation of cultural heritage dissonances in academic and public discourses should help to reconstruct the historical oblivion and construct the new formulas of collective identity in the second millennium of Lithuania.

This article aims to reveal the role of political power in the construction of collective identity through the collective memory. Three aspects is seeking to "hook" in the theoretical level: the determined trends of globalised current time, the national state as a homogeneous "imagined" community and cultural heritage as a historical reality and factor of joining together communities. The analysis uncovers that globalization is a dualistic phenomena. The tendencies could be marked under living conditions today: the ontological anxiety of society, a collective identity crisis, the legal and actual threats to the sovereignty, which may retain the nation state. Nationalism, as the ideological force homogenizing state and society, is strongly actualizing and becomes a "headache" not only for communities but also for the political authorities, who can't stay away from declaring liberal laissez-faire principle, but must choose one from David Brown's proposed nationalism strategies of society's consolidation: ethno-cultural, civic or multicultural. Cultural heritage expressing a symbolic link to the legacy of previous generations must now become not only culturally, but also political and economic resource to the communities and politicians to create the basis for the stability of society and the state. The role of cultural heritage in the international political economy, development of public image models and developing positive relationships with neighbors in the historical context is very relevant today. Reinterpretation of cultural heritage dissonances in academic and public discourses should help to reconstruct the historical oblivion and construct the new formulas of collective identity in the second millennium of Lithuania.

Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia are nation-states that have all of the essential attributes of modern statehood. At first they had established themselves as ethnocultural nation-states, later lost their independence and then reemerged straight into the world which was hardly influenced by globalization and regional integration. The principle of "one nation, one language, one culture, one state" was already ideologically obsolete in modern discourse, however this was the basic principle on which the Baltic States were created. The nation-state in this thesis will be understood not only as territorial-political entity, but also as a social actor which puts efforts in political community building and reproducing it. In order to achieve these goals nation-state uses various institutional mechanisms; invokes legal remedies and arguments of inward values. Constructivist approach can help to investigate the processes of political community building in the Baltic States and to identify substantial fields of politics that determine the perception of political community. This also allows comparing them in a broader perspective – with "ideal types" of nation-state that appeared in the West. History, language and citizenship – these are the attributes that provide the political communities of the Baltic States with content and form; therefore the comparison of the policies towards those attributes indicates differences which determine different models of political community-shaping in the Baltic States. Latvian and Estonian models resemble the "German" type of nation-state, while Lithuanian model seems to go through the transformation – recedes from historically closest "German" model and approaches "French" type of nation-state. Such tendencies are determined by cultural experiences, ethnic composition and by giving importance to a particular historical heritage.

Building on the latest scholarship in the nationalism-economy nexus studies, the arti cle examines how nationalism inhabits other ideologies in the economic realm. First ly, the article presents the latest strands in the nationalism-economy nexus research, namely compatibility between economy and nationalism understood as ideology. Then, using Foucault's concept of governmentality, the article shows how the two phe nomena are compatible on the theoretical level. Going further, the article connects the latest nationalism-economy nexus scholarship with existing literature on national neoliberalism in the post-socialist Baltic states. The article argues that national neo liberalism in the Baltics provides an example of what the compatibility of nationalism and economy may look like in practice. The Baltic states' Soviet experience encour aged their elites to undertake radical neoliberal reforms, in which the processes of na tion-state and market economy building overlapped. The states were built to create the markets which would in turn guarantee the prosperity of their respective nations. The article juxtaposes different, yet related scholarships and provides a basic theoretical toolkit that could facilitate potential inquiries into the nationalism-economy nexus in Lithuania and a

Building on the latest scholarship in the nationalism-economy nexus studies, the arti cle examines how nationalism inhabits other ideologies in the economic realm. First ly, the article presents the latest strands in the nationalism-economy nexus research, namely compatibility between economy and nationalism understood as ideology. Then, using Foucault's concept of governmentality, the article shows how the two phe nomena are compatible on the theoretical level. Going further, the article connects the latest nationalism-economy nexus scholarship with existing literature on national neoliberalism in the post-socialist Baltic states. The article argues that national neo liberalism in the Baltics provides an example of what the compatibility of nationalism and economy may look like in practice. The Baltic states' Soviet experience encour aged their elites to undertake radical neoliberal reforms, in which the processes of na tion-state and market economy building overlapped. The states were built to create the markets which would in turn guarantee the prosperity of their respective nations. The article juxtaposes different, yet related scholarships and provides a basic theoretical toolkit that could facilitate potential inquiries into the nationalism-economy nexus in Lithuania and a

Building on the latest scholarship in the nationalism-economy nexus studies, the arti cle examines how nationalism inhabits other ideologies in the economic realm. First ly, the article presents the latest strands in the nationalism-economy nexus research, namely compatibility between economy and nationalism understood as ideology. Then, using Foucault's concept of governmentality, the article shows how the two phe nomena are compatible on the theoretical level. Going further, the article connects the latest nationalism-economy nexus scholarship with existing literature on national neoliberalism in the post-socialist Baltic states. The article argues that national neo liberalism in the Baltics provides an example of what the compatibility of nationalism and economy may look like in practice. The Baltic states' Soviet experience encour aged their elites to undertake radical neoliberal reforms, in which the processes of na tion-state and market economy building overlapped. The states were built to create the markets which would in turn guarantee the prosperity of their respective nations. The article juxtaposes different, yet related scholarships and provides a basic theoretical toolkit that could facilitate potential inquiries into the nationalism-economy nexus in Lithuania and a

Building on the latest scholarship in the nationalism-economy nexus studies, the arti cle examines how nationalism inhabits other ideologies in the economic realm. First ly, the article presents the latest strands in the nationalism-economy nexus research, namely compatibility between economy and nationalism understood as ideology. Then, using Foucault's concept of governmentality, the article shows how the two phe nomena are compatible on the theoretical level. Going further, the article connects the latest nationalism-economy nexus scholarship with existing literature on national neoliberalism in the post-socialist Baltic states. The article argues that national neo liberalism in the Baltics provides an example of what the compatibility of nationalism and economy may look like in practice. The Baltic states' Soviet experience encour aged their elites to undertake radical neoliberal reforms, in which the processes of na tion-state and market economy building overlapped. The states were built to create the markets which would in turn guarantee the prosperity of their respective nations. The article juxtaposes different, yet related scholarships and provides a basic theoretical toolkit that could facilitate potential inquiries into the nationalism-economy nexus in Lithuania and a

No caso de Angola, a nova ordem mundial foi de igual modo devastadora e não podia chegar no pior momento. A classe dirigente angolana e as suas elites, esforçam-se para seguir, à letra, os ditames do Ocidente. Em cada dia que passa é corrente vermos, no país, a tentativa de adoptar os modos de falar da antiga potência colonial e os modos de pensar, vestir, costumes de consumo, habitação, e a linguagem política do Ocidente. O significado, os valores autóctones, as estruturas familiares, as solidariedades clânicas, as cosmogonias comunitárias e as condutas que este geram foram simplesmente mutiladas, pervertidas e desacreditas. A cultura tradicional foi negada e asfixiada por uma cultura de imitação, porque institucionalmente se organizou o processo para o seu esquecimento, o que nos põe, cada vez mais, no abismo da periferia. Trata-se de uma tragédia, para um país como Angola que sustenta e alimenta, em grande medida, os ditos governos transnacionais que nos depilam a cada dia que passa.

The dynamics of international system, globalization process and changing concept of security brings transnational challenges and leads to a new look at nation state and the discussion of its security question. The growing importance of economic processes raises state economic security issue as a part of national security. Internal and external factors of this security sector and their links creates and shapes each state perception of its economic security, where near economic aspects, very important place is given for rate between nation state and individuals. The latter is emphasizes by comprehensive dynamics of economic processes and state's facing with these new transnational challenges, which are taking qualitative and quantitative features of operations. Transnational organized crime has these characteristics by controlling illegal markets and expanding political-criminal relationships, which goes further than economic security "limits", this also has influence for state role in international arena and effectiveness of its institutions. The connections between organized crime, state economic security and state political system allows to analyze the impact of criminal groups for state as independent actor of international system and as the analysis of security level. Developing and using transnational organized crime model in analysis for Chinese triads, the Mexican cartels and Russian mafia and their home states involves country history, cultural context and legacy of prior political regimes as crucial factors in political and economical relations between state and its organized crime groups. This is proven by analyzing measurements taken to fight against the influence of criminal groups and preventing their crossing one state borders. Taking actions inside the state and international arena proves influential organized crime role in state which is further reinforced by these groups of violence against state authorities. In this case, the state is not the only who has the monopoly of power; there is concurrency from the side of organized crime. In this way, it threatens the stability of the state which stressed by creating of certain "behaviour" between organized crime and state. The latter is partly justified and accepted by both state and society. In this case, organized crime as the challenge to state economic security is understood as multi-covering and multi-trend process which increases vulnerability of both this security of economic sector and uncovers others security sectors and security levels.

The dynamics of international system, globalization process and changing concept of security brings transnational challenges and leads to a new look at nation state and the discussion of its security question. The growing importance of economic processes raises state economic security issue as a part of national security. Internal and external factors of this security sector and their links creates and shapes each state perception of its economic security, where near economic aspects, very important place is given for rate between nation state and individuals. The latter is emphasizes by comprehensive dynamics of economic processes and state's facing with these new transnational challenges, which are taking qualitative and quantitative features of operations. Transnational organized crime has these characteristics by controlling illegal markets and expanding political-criminal relationships, which goes further than economic security "limits", this also has influence for state role in international arena and effectiveness of its institutions. The connections between organized crime, state economic security and state political system allows to analyze the impact of criminal groups for state as independent actor of international system and as the analysis of security level. Developing and using transnational organized crime model in analysis for Chinese triads, the Mexican cartels and Russian mafia and their home states involves country history, cultural context and legacy of prior political regimes as crucial factors in political and economical relations between state and its organized crime groups. This is proven by analyzing measurements taken to fight against the influence of criminal groups and preventing their crossing one state borders. Taking actions inside the state and international arena proves influential organized crime role in state which is further reinforced by these groups of violence against state authorities. In this case, the state is not the only who has the monopoly of power; there is concurrency from the side of organized crime. In this way, it threatens the stability of the state which stressed by creating of certain "behaviour" between organized crime and state. The latter is partly justified and accepted by both state and society. In this case, organized crime as the challenge to state economic security is understood as multi-covering and multi-trend process which increases vulnerability of both this security of economic sector and uncovers others security sectors and security levels.

The dynamics of international system, globalization process and changing concept of security brings transnational challenges and leads to a new look at nation state and the discussion of its security question. The growing importance of economic processes raises state economic security issue as a part of national security. Internal and external factors of this security sector and their links creates and shapes each state perception of its economic security, where near economic aspects, very important place is given for rate between nation state and individuals. The latter is emphasizes by comprehensive dynamics of economic processes and state's facing with these new transnational challenges, which are taking qualitative and quantitative features of operations. Transnational organized crime has these characteristics by controlling illegal markets and expanding political-criminal relationships, which goes further than economic security "limits", this also has influence for state role in international arena and effectiveness of its institutions. The connections between organized crime, state economic security and state political system allows to analyze the impact of criminal groups for state as independent actor of international system and as the analysis of security level. Developing and using transnational organized crime model in analysis for Chinese triads, the Mexican cartels and Russian mafia and their home states involves country history, cultural context and legacy of prior political regimes as crucial factors in political and economical relations between state and its organized crime groups. This is proven by analyzing measurements taken to fight against the influence of criminal groups and preventing their crossing one state borders. Taking actions inside the state and international arena proves influential organized crime role in state which is further reinforced by these groups of violence against state authorities. In this case, the state is not the only who has the monopoly of power; there is concurrency from the side of organized crime. In this way, it threatens the stability of the state which stressed by creating of certain "behaviour" between organized crime and state. The latter is partly justified and accepted by both state and society. In this case, organized crime as the challenge to state economic security is understood as multi-covering and multi-trend process which increases vulnerability of both this security of economic sector and uncovers others security sectors and security levels.