Suchergebnisse

The revival of the nation has shocked German intellectuals who think that the nation-state is historically obsolete & that new models should be upheld: the united Europe, a world community of responsible states, globalization of markets, a universe of human rights. The contrary tendencies in today's world are marked by giving up on huge political entities, which have been replaced by smaller nationality-based states. It seems that political freedom leads to the formation of nation-states based on democratic constitution. This process requires looking into the relation between the nation-state & democracy. The key for the explanation of their relationship can be found in the notion of nation. Citizenship mediates between the people (in its real manifestation as a social group), & democracy as a constitutional principle. It gives to the state as a personal entity legal structure on which to build a democratic form of the state & guarantees legally applicable taxonomies & limitations. Adapted from the source document.

Contrary to the prevalent criticism of the modern nation-state, the author thinks that it is an institution ethically valid in itself. A nation-state is a political entity in which the boundaries of state & nation coincide. National identity is a source of communitarian solidarity & trust, essential for the formation of a state. The author thinks that the state, as a means of national self-determination can relinquish many of its functions & delegate them to supranational bodies, under the condition that it can regain them. Certain areas, such as social & cultural policy & certain aspects of economic policy, due to their importance for the preservation of the national identity should remain in the hands of the nation-state. In their foreign policy, states ought to respect several basic norms: renouncing the use of force or other forms of pressure, honoring agreements, solidarity in adversity, & reducing the unfair distribution of resources. The author deals with the problem of multinational states & concludes that the separate national groups in principle have a right to secession & the creation of their own state. Adapted from the source document.

Polemically oriented toward Helmuth Plessner's Belated Nation & the introductory presentations in the debate about this book at the Faculty of Political Science, the author is of the opinion that the German case is a belated attempt at empire creation, & that all the nations in the world are "late" -- except for the Dutch. By referring to the literature on politico-economic history & the model & comparative analysis of the nation-state as a complex politico-economic community within the world system of the West, the author thinks that Schieder's typology of the creation of European nations is not plausible -- either theoretically or factually/historically. 20 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author criticizes those Euro-sceptics who still treat the European Union as an open project that requires major decisions on the road to its fruition, as if the Union had not relinquished the model of the classical nation-state a long time ago. The author also promotes a reinterpretation of those aspects of European history that have given rise or might give rise to anti-European sentiments. Adapted from the source document.

In light of the dramatic events in Serbian political society, the author looks into the most fundamental question of the political theory of constitutionalism: the way in which a revolution can reach its apogee in a viable form of constitutional government. The liberal revolution in Serbia enabled the collective identity to be redefined on the basis of constitutional patriotism. The author thinks that constitutional patriotism may be a good basis for a reconstruction of the political regime beyond the nation-state. 17 References. Adapted from the source document.

Although it cannot be denied that nation-states & their sovereignties still exist as a significant form of identity of the civilian society within the world order, under the influence of new globalization processes -- political, ecological, cultural -- in the last decades of the 20th century, & the urgency of the need to solve new global problems (ecological, genetic, communication, market, multicultural), the issue of new identities has emerged. The world of "complex interdependences" has dramatic implications for sovereignty, autonomy, & responsibility of states & their ability to independently solve the key political problems they are faced with. The new issues brought about by the globalization processes can no longer be based solely on the principles of the white-Western-Christian-male-industrial civilization that has proved lethal in many social, cultural, & political aspects of life, particularly regarding the environment. That is why the initiatives for the recognition of new multicultural identities can be realized only within the global order in which Westerners no longer have a privileged position. Radicalizing these issues, environmentalists conclude that the global ecological policy can no longer be based on the old political boundaries of nation-states, that new political boundaries are needed, based on ecological principles. These boundaries should coincide with the boundaries of ecological systems if development is to be sustained. In order to achieve this, it is necessary to globally expand democracy in order to create new institutions that are going to institutionalize some new forms of political culture, based on the principles of the "green politics," which presupposes respect for all forms of life & avoids a hierarchy of life forms with humankind on the top. 25 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into the problem of the sovereignty of the nation-state in the era of globalization. States have lost a number of their attributes & are no longer particularly efficient. Although states are still the primary actors in international relations, they have lost some of their sovereignty, functions & powers. International institutions now usurp the right to appraise & restrict what states do on their own territory. Despite this, in the near future the state is to remain the dominant political form in international relations. It still maintains an army, conducts diplomacy, negotiates agreements, wages wars, supervises international organizations & influences production & trade. The author points out that states are capable of adjusting to the imperatives of international political economy & claims that the state in the 2lst century will probably perform indispensable political social-economic functions since no other organization has emerged as its genuine rival able to replace it. 1 Table, 18 References. Adapted from the source document.

As the newly established nation-state of Slovenia continues to develop concepts, policies, & institutions to provide for its national security, it does so as a young country in a new Europe & must consider not only its own experiences, principles, & international politics, but also the dynamic environment of the multifaceted proposals & efforts at European integration. These are the basic considerations for understanding the process whereby Slovenia is forming a new national security network, both internally & on the international level, & also for following Slovenia's endeavors to participate in European integration & join NATO & the European Union. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into the role & the position of judges in Croatia following the democratic changes of 1990 & Croatia's recognition as an independent state of 1991. Three events affected the status & the role of judges: (1) political independence (the formation of a nation-state), (2) state of emergency (war & semiwar), & (3) the changes in the political & the legal system. The author claims that the standard legal/positivist methods, justified in well-ordered & stable societies, are not entirely suitable for transitional societies. Besides the normative models he also provides a brief review of the practice, which deviates from the ideal. The author refers to the major events within the two periods: the wartime years (1991-1995) & the peacetime years (1996-1999). The author talks about the current social & institutional position of the courts & the judges, & points to certain potential sources of troubles for the future reformers. Adapted from the source document.

The paper deals with the possible impact of globalization & decentralization on the future role of public spending in Croatia. In the first part, the author describes the elements of government intervention in the economic process during the 20th century & the theoretical origin of public goods as a resource that the market is incapable of efficiently providing. Then, the characteristics of the process of globalization & decentralization (localization) are listed. These are the two simultaneous processes whose intensification leads to the reduction of the regulative role of the nation-state & public spending. Discussed in conclusion are the structure of public spending in Croatia, & the possible impact of the two processes on its structure & volume. 6 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

The author shows that the processes of globalization cannot diminish the role of the nation-state -- as the sole recognizable political community -- in the implementation & development of democracy, though they are undoubtedly going to alter its functioning & make it more complex. When exploring democracy & its expansion outside the borders of the nation-state, we should keep in mind that people do not act solely on a rational interest basis, but also on the basis of values; & that identities, not just interests, are the underlying determinants of their political activity. That is why the theory of cosmopolitan democracy must come to grips with the issue of the legitimation of the cosmopolitan political community as well as of the cosmopolitan democratic political system. This paper addresses these issues. The analysis has shown that these are complex & open questions without which a valid discussion about the transnational political organizations & processes of the cosmopolitan or regional integration & democratization is not possible. The question of the legitimation of the political community (unfortunately, rarely discussed) is in a way primordial in relation to the issue of the legitimation of the political system & political authorities. This issue has been neglected because it is thought that pluralism defines democracy; consequently, the imperative of a certain level of social & cultural homogeneity as a condition of its functioning has been overlooked. The concept of global citizenry requires the creation of a new political identity, while cosmopolitanism must prove that this identity can be brought about without a "democratic deficit" or a "bureaucratic-oligarchic surplus." This is not easy, if we keep in mind the fact that the law & legalism by themselves are not conducive to political commitment & loyalty to political decisions. 39 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author outlines Haberle's theory of constitution in five parts: (1) the concept of the constitution; (2) the constitution as a public process; (3) the constitution as culture; (4) the "fifth" method of interpretation; (5) critical objections. With this division the author covers, if not all, then at least the essential features of Haberle's concept of the constitution. In the author's opinion, Haberle, after Savigny, worked out a new principle for interpreting the constitution -- the cultural principle. At the time of the decline of nation-states & the era of intensive international concurrence of constitutions, this principle -- apart from the classic methods of the interpretation of constitutions -- has been gaining importance. Finally, the author looks into the controversies triggered by Haberle's theory of constitutions. Adapted from the source document.

The author outlines some basic conceptual aspects of the legal evolution of international relations after 11 September 2001. First, he briefly sums up the classical international law. Then he goes on to analyze the two dominant approaches to the future development of international law -- the idealistic & the realistic -- by juxtaposing Kant & Hegel. Regarding this debate one should not forget Carl Schmitt, the German legal & political theoretician, since he challenges the universalist presumptions of Kant's project. Schmitt calls into question the function of the rationalization of governance which should be taken over by the constitution, both within & outside the nation-state. The author concludes that the US & other big powers will soon have to return to the path they paved & energetically followed between 1918 & 1945, the path of gradual progress in the historical evolution of international law. 12 References. Adapted from the source document.

The essay first highlights certain basic features of the attitude of European immigrant countries toward the new (migrant) ethnic minorities in their midst, the attitude that at the same time is indicative of the existence of various forms of ethnicity in the development of the European nation-states. The differences in individual "national responses" regarding the existence of new ethnic communities reflect differences in understanding of the ethnic/national identity of individual countries. The author then addresses specifically the presence of the Muslim population in West European countries, the population that -- perhaps more than any other group of "aliens" -- is torn between the West European practice of racial & increasingly cultural discrimination & a universal Western belief in the tradition of liberalism, pluralism, & democracy. In connection with this, the role of Islam & the "Muslim" identity in the Muslim communities in West European countries are analyzed. 15 References. Adapted from the source document.