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The article explains the impact of globalization on state sovereignty. The globalization is the dominant force which has shaped a new era of interaction and interdependence among nations. It has many dimensions such as economic, political, military, social and cultural dimension. It creates both opportunities and costs to the nation state. Sovereignty is the most essential element of the state. Globalization contributes to the change and reduction of the scope of state sovereignty. The scope of the inner sovereignty has legally narrowed to a large degree due to the international agreements including global financial flows, activities of International Organization and Multinational Corporation, Information communication technology and issues concerning human rights and in connection with already formed models and traditions of states' behavior. At the same time increasingly more states quite often give away some of their sovereign powers voluntarily for certain reason.

The Roma, as Europe's largest minority group and who experience disproportionate levels of poverty, unemployment, poor accommodation and social exclusion have received significant political and policy-related attention in recent years. In 2011 the European Parliament announced the EU Framework for National Roma Integration Strategies (NRIS) which marked the first EU wide effort to address Roma poverty and marginalisation via national strategies devised at the national level. Each member state has produced national strategies for Roma inclusion in the core areas of education, housing, health, employment and discrimination with a focus on integrated inclusion, e.g., recognising that inclusion in one sphere requires inclusion in the others. In 2017 the European Commission published its mid-term review of the EU Framework which examines the progress made in each member state. The series of articles in this special edition addresses the progress made in meeting the NRIS's objectives in seven member states each providing an in depth and critically informed analysis of policy development, progress and limitations in each country. The introduction provides a historical and policy context of the NRIS and considers its implications for the social integration and citizenship rights of Roma people.

The challenges facing the nation-state in contemporary Africa are increasingly attracting the attention of scholars interested to understand how the decomposition and recomposition of popular political identities on the continent are affecting the post-colonial unitary project. The studies presented in this volume show that the challenges to the post-colonial nation-state project in Africa have mainly taken ethno-regionalist, religious and separatist forms. These challenges have been shaped by the long drawn-out economic crisis, zero-sum, market-led structural adjustment, and the legacy of decades of political authoritarianism and exclusion that dates from the colonial period. The contributors to this book present different suggestions to promote national unity and a supporting civic identity in Africa. ; CONTENTS: 1. The Crisis of the Post-Colonial Nation-State Project in Africa / Liisa Laakso and Adebayo O. Olukoshi -- 2. Changing Notions of the Nation-State and the African Experience: Montesquieu Revisited / Liisa Laakso -- 3. The Weakness of "Strong States". The Case of Niger Republic / Jibrin Ibrahim -- 4. The Deepening Crisis of Nigerian Federalism and the Future of the Nation-State / Adebayo O. Olukoshi and Osita Agbu -- 5. Ghana: Violent Ethno-Political Conflicts and the Democratic Challenge / E.O. Akwetey -- 6. The Nation-State Project and Conflict in Zimbabwe / Lloyd M. Sachikonye -- 7. The National Question in Zaire: Challenges to the Nation-State Project / Ernest Wamb-dia-Wamba -- 8. Christianity and Islam Contending for the Throne on the Tanzanian Mainland / Nestor N. Luanda -- 9. Resuscitating the Majimbo Project: The Politics of Deconstructing the Unitary State in Kenya / Mutahi Ngunyi

This study explores the legitimacy of the nation-states in the light of Islamic teachings, and the thoughts of prominent Muslim jurists. The research focuses on the questions, does Islam prescribe a specific form of the government; if a single unified state across the world is required as per the injunctions of Islam; does Islam outlaws the nationalism; does Islam commend a unitary or a federal state. The research investigates the state-formation process in the light of teachings of Quran and Sunnah of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) as well as writings of Muslim theologians and jurists. The nature of the state practiced in the Muslim world, the importance of Caliph and its actual role, place of tribalism and nationalism in Islam, are the main points of discussion. The study employs historical and descriptive methods and relies on secondary sources mainly books and articles covering writings of Muslim scholars from later generations.

The paper takes a resolutely historical and political perspective in analysing the rise of the Evaluative State in its European setting. He traces the development of four versions of the Evaluative State from its origins in the mid to late Eighties in terms of two stages: first, its operational purpose, second, its subsequent re-definition of ownership and role in steering higher education policy. Focusing primarily on the three pioneering systems - France, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands and later Portugal, the author argues that the present dynamic of the Evaluative State marks a major step in the history of higher education policy. If today the Evaluative State acts as the prime instrument of economic Liberalism as the common basis of European higher education policy, its purpose in the original setting of Nation-State was very different. Such differences are examined, and the impact of the Evaluative State weighed up in its various forms. Keywords: evaluative State; higher education policy; system steering; policy control and the nation-state.

Arendt, Hannah. 1951. The Origins of Totalitarianism. New York: Harcourt Brace. Bahlcke, Joachim. 1996. Schlesien und die Schlesier (Ser.: Studienbuchreihe der Stiftung Ostdeutscher Kulturrat, Vol 7). Munich: Langen Müller. Barcz, Jan. 1996. Klauzule dotyczące ochrony mniejszości narodowych w nowych dwustronnych traktatach Polski z państwami sąsiedzkimi. Przegląd Zachodni. No 2. Bauer, Otto. 1924 [1906]. Die Nationälfrage und die Sozialdemokratie. Vienna: Volksbuchhandlung. Bělina, Pavel et al. 1993. Dějiny zemí Koruny české (2 vols). Prague: Paseka. Berdychowska, Bogumiła. 1994. Mniejszości narodowe w Polsce w 1993 roku. Warsaw: Biuro do Spraw Mniejszości Narodowych przy Ministerstwie Kultury i Sztuki. Berdychowska, Bogumiła et al., eds. Mniejszości narodowe w Polsce. Informator 1994. Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Sejmowe. Bielak, F. 1990. Niemiecka grupa narodowa w Polsce. Warsaw: PWN. Blumenwitz, Dieter. 1989. What is Germany? Exploring Germany's Status After World War II. Bonn: Kulturstiftung der deutschen Vertriebenen. Breytenbach, Willie. 1997 [1996]. Democratisation in Sub-Saharan Africa: Transitions, Elections and Prospects for Consolidation. Pretoria: African Institute of South Africa. Brubaker, Rogers. 1992. Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Byczkowski, Józef. 1976. Mniejszości narodowe w Europie. Wybrane zagadnienia. Opole: Instytut Śląski. Cała, Alina. 1998. Mniejszość żydowska (pp. 245-289). In: Piotr Madajczyk, ed. Mniejszości narodowe w Polsce. Warsaw: PAN ISP. Chałupczak, Henryk and Tomasz Browarek. 1998. Mniejszości narodowe w Polsce 1918-1995. Lublin: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Dallinger, Gernot, ed. 1997. Datenreport 1997. Zahlen und Fakten über die Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Bonn: Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung. Datner, Helena and Małgorzata Melchior. 1997. Żydzi we współczesnej Polsce – nieobecność i powroty (pp. 63-82). In: Zbigniew Kurcz, ed. Mniejszości narodowe w Polsce. Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu ...

Fifty years on the Kashmir conflict rumbles on. The various parties to the dispute engage in highly polemical exchanges in a variety of media, artillery shells cross the line of control and the region remains a potential nuclear flashpaint. Given the geopolitical aspects of the conflict, it is not surprising that the Kashmiri dispute continues to be studied primarily in terms of relations between India and Pakistan, or as a threat to regional stability. At the heart of the Kashmir conflict is the issue of identity, and the rival claims of India, Pakistan and Kashmiris all depend on what the exact nature of Kashmir (an intrinsic part of the Mahabharata, Muslim, indigenous or secular) is. The plethora of terms that designate the various political and territorial configurations in the dispute (Indian-occupied Kashmir, Pakistanioccupied Kashmir, Indian-administered Kashmir, Jammu and Kashmir, Azad Kashmir) point to the absence of even a rudimentary consensus about the identity of Kashmir and Kashmiris. While the study of the dispute has produced a copious literature in terms of international relations, there has been much less work done on the relationship between the articulation of a distinct Kashmiri identity and the existence of a large diasporic population. It is this relationship that I want to explore in this article. While I concede the salience of many other factors contributing to the Kashmiri dispute (the rival claims of Pakistan and India, and the role of the various armed forces in the region) my purpose is to examine the way a particular representation of Kashmir has become increasingly prominent, one that is not reducible to the machinations of the Pakistani or Indian governments or their clients. It is sometimes suggested that Kashmiris have failed to establish themselves as a nation and Kashmiri identity continues to be a rather fragile affair. This view that Kashmiris do not constitute a genuine distinct nationality was dominant until very recently, and to some extent is still dominant amongst Pakistanis and Indians. I suggest that this is only the case if we continue to see the formations of nations and ethnic identity through the prism of nineteenth-century notions of collective identity.' In this article I want to show how developments in globalisation have produced a new matrix through which it is possible to configure Kashmiri identity as a diasporic form. I will do this in two ways. Using research from ethnographic work carried out in Luton, I will first show the way in which the contemporary articulation of Kashmiris-ness as a distinct ethnicity has been made possible by the settlement of Kashmiris outside historical ideas of what constituted Kashmir. I want to show that the creation of a Kashmiri identity is heavily dependant on the displacement and resettlement of Kashmiris outside of their imagined homeland. In other words, the discourse of Kashmiriyat emerges in a diasporic space. Second, I will show how this discourse recruits its subjects and projects its collective identity in a de-terntorialised diasporic context. In other words, this article has two major themes to it. The first theme examines the way Kashmiri identity is narrated and focuses on the variety of agents responsible for the construction of this Kashmiri-ness. The second theme examines the way in which a group of people (who constitute most of my respondents) express their Kashmiri-ness in both a global and local context.

This thesis adopts a two thronged approach to explore the two components of the common wisdom in Botswana. Firstly, it tests the claim by the common wisdom that Botswana is inherently homogeneous. That 90% of the population either speaks Setswana or belongs to Setswana speaking tribes. Secondly, it tests the fact that this perceived homogeneity connect to the countryâs democratic, economic and political success. The study uses existing Afrobarometer survey data drawn from Rounds 1 (1999), 2 (2003) and 3 (2005) Afrobarometer survey data to test both claims about Botswanaâs homogeneity thesis. The findings of this study reveal that the first part of the common wisdom is confirmed especially when using language âspoken most at home.âHowever, it is disconfirmed when using âhome language.â It is also shown that when using tribe (a putatively objective) and social identity (a more subjective) dimension of ethnicity, the level of ethnic diversity in Botswana is much higher than the common wisdom suggests. This is more apparent when language and tribe are broken down according to district and rural-urban location. It seems that minority groups are distributed across and also concentrated in certain parts of the country. With regard to the second part of the common wisdom, the results point out that difference in language, tribe and social identity exist. However, these are not politicized and not aligned with key political factors of national identity, interpersonal trust, political participation, voting and government legitimacy. There are no important politically relevant cleavages structures in Botswana. This study concludes by proposing that, it may be this lack of politicization of identity, rather than the putative homogeneity of the country, that accounts for Botswanaâs record of development and democracy.

Even in new theories of nation which claim that nations were invented in modern times by the intellectuals we still find some foundations for making the difference between »real« and »artificial« nations. This binarism usually introduces the »People« nations of the modernist first-corners, and »Volk« nations of all the others, as in »The Federalist Papers« introduction of representative democracy, and in Herder's »Ideas on the Philosophy of History of the Mankind«. In both cases, national art is treated as an artificial constructive pillar of the Nation and Nation-State. Comparing the case of Slovenia (the nation-founding story of »Martin Krpan« by Fran Levstik from 1858) with the cases of Greece as »the Dream Nation« and of new African nations, the author concludes that nations are not fictitious inventions of the intellectuals but necessary products of history, and that in their production art had an important position due to its aesthetic function. This function makes possible to bridge and to universalize on a territory without any certain grounds and limits, across the gap of any modernist binarism. ; Tudi pri novih teorijah nacije, ki trdijo, da so moderni narodi izum intelektualcev, še ostaja vidno razlikovanje med »pravimi« in »umetnimi« narodi. Ta binarizem običajno navaja razliko med nacijo, utemeljeno v ljudstvu, in nacijo, utemeljeno v narodu, tako kot med argumentacijo za nacionalno državo v ameriških »The Federalist Papers" in Herderjevimi idejami o zgodovini človeštva. Umetnost pa v obeh primerih predstavlja institucionalizirano podporo naciji in nacionalni državi. S primerjavo slovenskega primera (Levstikov »Martin Krpan«) z grškim primerom »sanjskega naroda« in z novimi afriškimi nacijami pridemo do zaključka, da narodi niso izmišljeni izumi intelektualcev, ampak proizvodi zgodovinske nuje, in daje pri proizvodnji nacij umetnost imela pomembno vlogo predvsem zaradi svoje estetske funkcije. Ta omogoča premostitev in zaokrožitev na terenu, kjer ni utrjenih podlag in meja, in takšen je teren modernističnih binarizmov.

This study explores the legitimacy of nation-states in the light of Islamic teachings, and thoughts of prominent Muslims jurists. It focuses on these questions: does Islam prescribe a specific form of government; if a single unified state is required as per injunctions of Islam; does Islam outlaws the nationalism; does Islam commend a unitary or a federal state. The research investigates the state-formation process in the light of teachings of Quran and Sunnah of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) as well as writings of Muslim theologians and jurists. The nature of the state practiced in the Muslim world, the importance of Caliph and its actual role, place of tribalism and nationalism in Islam, are the main points of discussion.The study employs historical and descriptive methods and relies on secondary sources mainly books and articles covering writings of Muslim scholars from later generations.

peer-reviewed ; This article explores how the populist radical right manage identity talk on an international stage. Speeches from the Europe of Nations and Freedom conference held in Koblenz, Germany, on January 21, 2017, were analyzed using a rhetorical and critical discursive psychology approach. This occasion was a celebratory public display of international solidarity between political actors who privilege national interests, advocate stronger immigration control and are Eurosceptic. Results highlight two interdependent rhetorical strategies that construct an inclusive diverse transnational political community, built on the core shared ideology of exclusionary nationalist nativism. Firstly, "Constructing the Transnational Patriot" works up a superordinate political category often labeled the "patriots" that transcends individual nation-states. Temporal and spatial boundary work was done to construct the political collective as extensive, expanding and enduring. This capacity for the speakers to position themselves as prototypical members of a transnational political community facilitates and demands the second rhetorical strategy, "Ambivalent Diversity." Here speakers acknowledge and celebrate the cultural diversity of their political collective through a precious "national diversity" between nation-states while simultaneously displaying hostility to cultural diversity within nation-states. Speakers present themselves, and their political collective, as courageous protectors of the segregated national diversity against the threatening collusion between the violent oppressive political "elite" and exploitative immigrants. The speakers hijack the liberal understanding of diversity and reconfigure it in support of an argument defending the victimized majority and national cultural homogeneity. ; PUBLISHED ; peer-reviewed

This paper argues that new city-regional configurations are emerging and establishing a regional order beyond nation-states, both as a consequence of certain nationalistic political devolution claims and due to the economic renewal and nation-state re-scaling trend advocated by the 'new regionalism'. Based on the author's findings, which elucidate the distinction between four nationalistic (Scotland, Catalonia, Basque Country and Iceland) and four non-nationalistic city-region cases (Oresund, Liverpool/Manchester, Dublin and Portland), this paper highlights that there is no single model for city-regions and emphasizes that this trend has become increasingly complex due to its wide range of causes: political devolution and nation-state rescaling processes (Scotland, Catalonia, Basque Country, Liverpool and Manchester), flow of commuters (Oresund), democratic regeneration (Iceland), and economic renewal (Dublin and Portland). This paper benchmarks eight city-regions by systemically investigating their social innovation processes to understand better their dynamics beyond their respective nation-states.

The possibility for transnational democratic representation is a huge topic. This article is restricted to exploring two unconventional aspects. The first concerns 'the representative claim', extending one critical part of previous analysis of the assessment of such claims, especially by largely unelected transnational actors. The second, which strongly conditions the account of the first, concerns 'slow theory' as the way to approach building democratic models and, in particular, to approach transnational democratic representation. © 2011 M. Saward.

In this intervention, we discuss how the COVID-19 pandemic has reconfigured transnational mobilities, connections, and solidarities, which reveals the fragility of transnationalism predicated on cosmopolitan ethics but rooted in nation-level politics. We show that as the pandemic severely disrupted transnational (infra)structures predicated on state-centric transnationalism from above, the survival and well-being of diverse transnationally mobile groups, such as refugees, transnational families, and international students, have been placed under unprecedented threat. In doing so, we reflect on the configurations of transnationalism in sociological understandings of globalisation, in and beyond the context of COVID-19. We advance an urgent call for action to address the consequences of the pandemic for vulnerable people who lead precarious lives in a transnational limbo caught in the gaps between nation-states.

Summary: The article places the contemporary anthropological, ethnological and culturological research of state holidays in Slovenia within the disciplinary tradition of Slovenian holiday research and the broader frame of issues related to political rituals. Up until the past few decades, holidays as celebrated in the Slovenian lands had been a parade of ethnological/folklorist subjects framed within the context of folk culture research. It is thus not surprising that folk holidays were put at the forefront of examination, thematised from the perspective of a relatively static concept of tradition. The rapid political, economic and social change characteristic of the period after the Second World War was reflected not only in the transformed holiday landscapes, but also in a reconfiguration of the research horizons. These are presented through the findings concerning state holidays that resulted from a recent research project on the Slovenian holidays and constitution of national community. ; Summary: The article places the contemporary anthropological, ethnological and culturological research of state holidays in Slovenia within the disciplinary tradition of Slovenian holiday research and the broader frame of issues related to political rituals. Up until the past few decades, holidays as celebrated in the Slovenian lands had been a parade of ethnological/folklorist subjects framed within the context of folk culture research. It is thus not surprising that folk holidays were put at the forefront of examination, thematised from the perspective of a relatively static concept of tradition. The rapid political, economic and social change characteristic of the period after the Second World War was reflected not only in the transformed holiday landscapes, but also in a reconfiguration of the research horizons. These are presented through the findings concerning state holidays that resulted from a recent research project on the Slovenian holidays and constitution of national community.