Suchergebnisse

U ovom se radu istražuje odnos između nacije, nacionalizma, građanstva i strategija europskih integracija. Propituje se problem odnosa između 'nacionalnog' i 'građanskog' aspekta u postojećoj nacionalnoj državi i problem odvajanja nacionalnog od građanskog u nekim opravdanjima transnacionalnih političkih integracija. Propituje se i teza nekih autora da su i nacija i država zapreka afirmaciji građanstva kao univerzalnog statusa u slobodi i jednakosti svih. Zapravo, analizira se krucijalno pitanje je li neka transnacionalna politička organizacija moguća kao "zajednica građana" prema konceptu 'konstitucionalnog patriotizma' ili kao internacionalna zajednica "društva narodā" s "pravom narodā" na pretpostavkama političkog liberalizma ili pristojno uređene državne vlasti. Autor analizira i pojam 'nacionalizma' te neopravdanost njegova proskribiranja per se. Na kraju komentira i analizira uočene nacionalne (nacionalističke) strategije integracije u Europsku uniju. ; This paper explores the relationship between the nation, nationalism, citizenship and European integration strategies. It addresses the problem of the relationship between the 'national' and 'civil' aspects of the existing nation state and the problem of separating the national from the civil in some justifications of transnational political integrations. It also examines the thesis of some authors who claim that both the nation and the state are obstacles to asserting citizenship as a universal status in the freedom and equality of all. In fact, it analyses the crucial issue whether a transnational political organisation is possible as a 'community of citizens' in line with the concept of 'constitutional patriotism', or as an international community in the sense of a 'Society of Peoples' with the 'right of nations' under the assumptions of political liberalism or of a properly ordered state government. The author also analyses the concept of 'nationalism' and the unjustifiableness of its proscription per se. In the final section, he comments on and ...

The world of sports is a reflection of the world of politics. It is becoming increasingly multipolar with the emerging states hosting mega sporting events. Firstly, the article problematizes the concept of multipolarity and, secondly, globalisation by questioning whether the Olympic Games reinforce national identities and promote national interests by using Olympic diplomacy as a soft power tool. In doing so, the article explores the correlation between the changes in international affairs and the hosting of and participation at the Olympic Games by emerging states such as Brazil, China and Russia. The analysis distinguishes globalisation from the role of the nation-state, by highlighting the evident differences between emerging states in terms of hosting the Games, but also takes into consideration geopolitical and geo-economic parameters. ; The world of sports is a reflection of the world of politics. It is becoming increasingly multipolar with the emerging states hosting mega sporting events. Firstly, the article problematizes the concept of multipolarity and, secondly, globalisation by questioning whether the Olympic Games reinforce national identities and promote national interests by using Olympic diplomacy as a soft power tool. In doing so, the article explores the correlation between the changes in international affairs and the hosting of and participation at the Olympic Games by emerging states such as Brazil, China and Russia. The analysis distinguishes globalisation from the role of the nation-state, by highlighting the evident differences between emerging states in terms of hosting the Games, but also takes into consideration geopolitical and geo-economic parameters.

U ovom članku autor na sugestivan način ukazuje na važnost razumijevanja nacije i države u kontekstu evropske filozofske misli i prakse o naciji i državi. Iako su mu povod nacija Bošnjaka i bosanska država, autorova razmišljanja su aplikativna za sve skupine slične naciji Bošnjaka, kao i za države slične bosanskoj državi. Osnovna misao u ovom članku je da ideja univerzalne nacije, kulture i civilizacije niti osporava niti negira partikularni osjećaj i subjektivni doživljaj nacije i države. Članstvo u Evropskoj uniji ne oduzima pravo nijednoj naciji u Evropi da gaji i razvija svoju nacionalno-kulturnu i nacionalno-državnu svijest. Zapravo, u mjeri u kojoj je svaka nacija i svaka država u Evropi aktivno svjesna svoje nacionalne i kulturne specifične vrijednosti, čini Evropu, odnosno Evropsku uniju, snažnom i važnom u globalnom svijetu. Otuda i Bošnjaci, odnosno Bosanci, kao nacija i kao država (nacija) nemaju potrebe da se povlače, već imaju historijsku obavezu da istaknu svoju specifičnu bosansku kulturu i bosansku državu kao bogatstvo vrijedno pažnje ne samo u Evropi već i u svijetu. ; In this article, the author suggestively points to the importance of understanding the concept of nation and the state in the context of the European philosophical thought and practice regarding the nation and the state. Although the occasion is about the Bosniak/Bosnian nation and the Bosnian state, the author's reflections are applicable to all groups similar to the Bosniak/Bosnain nation, as well as to all the states similar to the Bosnian state. The basic premise of this article is that the idea of a universal nationality, culture and civilisation does not oppose or negate the particular feeling or the subjective experience of either the nationality or the state. The membership of European Union does not detract the right for any nation in Europe of the right to cultivate and develop its national culture as well as its particular state consciousness. In fact, in the extent of which every nation and every state in Europe has an active awareness of its national and cultural specific value, gives Europe, indeed – the European Union strong and important role in the global community. Hence, the Bosniaks/Bosnians, both as a nation and a state (nation) have no need to withdraw, but rather have the historical opportunity to feature their specific Bosnian culture and Bosnian state as a richness worthy of appreciation, not only in Europe, but also in the world.

Rad se bavi propitivanjem implikacija izbjegličke krize koja je zahvatila Europsku uniju na demokraciju u Europi i funkcioniranje Europske unije na osnovi usporedbe s teorijom Hannah Arendt o izbjeglicama i ljudskim pravima. Rad se kritički odnosi prema djelovanju Europske unije, posebice Europske komisije, naspram njezinih članica po pitanju rješavanja izbjegličke krize čime se dovodi u pitanje održanje same Europske unije i demokracije na razini Europe. Teorija Hannah Arendt pomaže u sagledavanju sadašnje situacije u povijesnom kontekstu i pruža mogući odgovor kako sačuvati nacionalne države i demokraciju u njima propitivanjem načela ljudskih prava koja je iznjedrila Francuska revolucija, a koja su dovedena u pitanje pojavom izbjegličkog vala s Bliskog istoka u Europu. ; The paper explains the implications of the European refugee crisis for the functioning of the EU and democracy within Europe, with reference to Hannah Arendt's theory on refugees and human rights. The paper examines critically the handling of the refugee crisis by the European Commission and its attitude towards EU Member States, which compromises the actual functioning of theEU and democracy in Europe. Arendt's theory helps us understand better the present situation, taking into account the historical context. Her theory on human rights, born of the French Revolution provides a possible answer regarding how to preserve European nation states and democracy in Europe, notions that have been challenged seriously by the waves of refugees from the Middle East, and ultimately by the European Union itself.

Polazište ovog članka je u tvrdnji da doktrina narodnog samoodređenja i dalje ostaje jedna od najparadoksalnijih, najkontroverznijih, ali istodobno i najuspješnijih doktrina, koja i dalje u velikoj mjeri doprinosi oblikovanju postojećeg međunarodnog sustava nacionalnih država. U članku se tvrdi da je ta doktrina, čija je namjera bila da sačuva mir i ljudsko dostojanstvo, uvijek bila u samom srcu mnogih sukoba. Ovaj članak analizira paradokse i kontroverze koji su sadržani u toj doktrini, počevši od napetosti između univerzalnosti doktrine narodnog samoodređenja s jedne, i posebnosti nekog konkretnog zahtjeva za narodno samoodređenje neke nacionalne grupe s druge strane. Ti paradoksi i kontroverze odnose se na širok spektar pitanja: od političkih izazova i pitanja legitimnosti same nacionalne države, koja se na taj način stvara, do činjenice da je doktrina narodnog samoodređenja zapravo stvar međunarodne politike, a ne tek puko unutarnje, tj. nacionalno pitanje. Ne odbacujemo samu doktrinu samoodređenja, nego zaključujemo – u zadnjem (devetom) paradoksu – da se njena uspješnost ili neuspješnost ne smije mjeriti brojem država koje su nastale na taj način, nego u kojoj je mjeri ona uspješna u pretvaranju postojećih država u "sigurne kuće" za sve jasnije definirane nacionalne grupe. ; This article's point of departure is that the national self-determination doctrine remains one of the most paradoxical, contested, but successful doctrines which has largely contributed to the shape of our existing international system of nation-states. It argues that the doctrine which is intended to safeguard peace and human dignity is and always has been at the heart of many conflicts. Starting with the tension between the universality of the national self-determination doctrine and the particularity of the national group whose interests it promotes, the article explores other paradoxes contained within this doctrine. They range from political and legitimacy challenges to the very nation-state it creates, through the violations of human rights contrary to its very meaning, to the fact that national self-determination doctrine, far from being a national issue, is actually an international affair. While not rejecting the doctrine, the paper concludes with the final (ninth) paradox that perhaps the success of this doctrine should not be measured by how many states it can produce, but how it can make the existing states a safe home for more self-differentiating national groups.

U radu se analizira ideja nacije Antuna Gustava Matoša (1873. – 1914.), odnosno konstitutivni elementi koji čine njezine temelje. Polazeći od pretpostavke da nacija nije proizvoljni politički konstrukt jednoga vremena nego proizvod povijesne evolucije niza kohezivnih identifikacijskih čimbenika određene skupine ljudi, nastojimo izdvojiti njezinu formulu u hrvatskim okvirima. Temeljne sastavnice Matoševe ideje nacije sukladne su srednjoeuropskomu načelu razvoja nacija pa analiziramo njegove misli o jeziku, teritoriju, povijesnome iskustvu te mitovima i simbolima svojstvenima za ljude sa zajedničkim etničkim podrijetlom. U skladu s tezom da se nacija politički želi ostvariti u državi, posebna se pozornost pridaje istociljnomu političkom i gospodarskomu djelovanju koji otkrivaju važnost voljnoga elementa u izgradnji i bivanju dijelom nacije. Matoševa ideja nacije otkriva se kao koherentan, dinamičan i interkulturan ideal koji odbacuje isključivost nacionalističkoga diskursa te tako i danas pokazuje aktualnost i korisnost. ; The paper analyzes idea of nation of Antun Gustav Matoš (1873 – 1914), i.e. constitutive elements which form its foundations. Starting from the presupposition that nation is not an arbitrary political construction of one time but a product of historical evolution of a number of cohesive identification factors of a certain group of people, we are trying to sort out its formula in Croatian frameworks. Basic components of Matoš's idea of nation are coherent with Middle-European principle of nations' development, so we analyze his thoughts about language, territory, historical experience, myths and symbols characteristic for people with common ethnic origin. In accordance to the thesis that a nation wants to be politically accomplished in a state, special attention is given to the same political and economic activity which reveals significance of willing element in building and being a part of a nation. Matoš's idea of nation is revealed as a coherent, dynamic and intercultural ideal which rejects exclusiveness of the nationalist discourse and therefore it shows its actuality and usefulness.

Gotovo dvadeset godina od sloma poluautoritarnog režima Crna Gora još se kategorizira kao defektna, a ne kao konsolidirana demokracija. U ovome članku analizira se ključna odrednica sporog procesa demokratske konsolidacije u Crnoj Gori – neriješen problem državnosti. Autor se pritom ne usredotočuje na funkcionalnu državu nego, umjesto toga, koristi klasičnu definiciju državnosti s trima dimenzijama: državna moć, državni teritorij i narod. Članak nastoji pridonijeti boljem razumijevanju dvaju pitanja: procesu demokratizacije u Crnoj Gori i odnosu države i demokracije. U analizi se koristi metoda process-tracing kako bi se došlo do minimalnoga dovoljnog objašnjenja ishoda razvojem teorijskih uzročnih mehanizama. ; Almost 20 years since the fall of the semi-authoritarian regime, Montenegro is still regarded as a defective and not as a consolidated democracy. This article puts forward one key determinant for the slow process of democratic consolidation in Montenegro – the unresolved statehood problem. It thereby does not focus on the functional state, but instead uses the classical definition of statehood with three dimensions: state power, state territory, and the people. The article seeks to contribute to a better understanding of two issues: the democratization process of Montenegro and the relationship between the state and democracy. It uses the explaining outcome process tracing method and attempts to craft a minimally sufficient explanation of an outcome by developing theoretical causal mechanisms.

Jezik je najvažnija ljudska djelatnost koja omogućuje funkcioniranje društva na svim njegovim razinama. Od iznimne je važnosti njegovo komunikacijsko svojstvo pomoću kojega se pripadnici istoga govornoga područja sporazumijevaju i tako izgrađuju novu jezičnu stvarnost. Kao što se sve pojave u političkoj zajednici nastoje urediti i normirati, tako je i s jezikom. I jezik je potrebno normirati i unificirati. Tu je zadaću oduvijek imala država, odnosno vladajuće elite kojima je bilo u cilju organizirati vlast na određenom teritoriju, a jezik se pokazao kao jednim od elemenata kojim se postiže snažna homogenizacija naroda, i to kroz osjećaj pripadnosti, odnosno identifikaciju s jezikom. Ozbiljniji procesi jezičnoga planiranja i jezične politike javljaju se tek u 19. stoljeću s pojavom nacionalnih država. U suvremeno doba tu ulogu preuzimaju javni mediji, a jedan od njih je i dnevni tisak koji utječe na oblikovanje javnoga jezika. U radu se analizira leksik dnevnih novina da bi se uočile i zabilježile određene promjene koje je hrvatski jezik doživio u razdoblju od petnaest godina od uspostave hrvatske države 1991. ; Language is the most important human achievement, enabling functio¬ning of society at its many levels. It enables communication between in¬dividuals from the same language group and builds their linguistic reality. Like all other properties of political societies, language has to be regulated and normed. This was always the realm of states or leading elites that tried to organize governments at certain territories. Language was often used to achieve a strong national homogeneity through feeling of belonging, or iden¬tification with the language. More organized processes of language planning and language politics appear with the establishment of nation states in the 19th century. In modern times the role of the state was taken over by public media, including daily newspapers that influence the formation of public language. In this paper we analyze the lexical forms of daily papers in order to notice and register certain changes that Croatian language experienced in the period of 15 years since the formation of the modern Croatian state in 1991.

Raspravljajući o porijeklu hrvatske nacije, autor u prvom dijelu odbacuje tvrdnju da se ona razvijala kao tzv. "jezična nacija". Također osporava gledište da je u tome bitnu ulogu imalo jugoslavenstvo. Zatim pokazuje da je hrvatska nacija nastala u procesu međusobnih interakcija socijalnih i povijesnih vrijednosti, koje su napokon odredile njezinu individualnost spram svake druge zajednice na cjelokupnom prostoru Srednje i Jugoistočne Europe. Sve je to autor dokazao u drugom dijelu rasprave, gdje analizira hrvatski nacionalno-politički program, koji je nastao za revolucije 1848/49. godine. U njemu su hrvatski liberali i demokrati jasno odredili individualnost hrvatske nacije i hrvatske države (ujedinjene Trojedne Kraljevine Hrvatske), i to kao jedinstvene, samostalne i autonomne moderne države u sklopu konfederalnog političkoga i društvenog sustava Srednje Europe (austrijske konfederacije). ; In the present paper the author deals with the origin and development of Croatian nation, and creation of the modern Croatian state (Tripartite Kingdom of Croatia) in the first half of the 19th century, especially during the 1848/49 revolution, at several levels: idea about nation, ideology, political and social programmes, political actions, institutions, and political community. If considered from the point of view of new socio-political processes, when transformation of a people into a modern national-political community takes place, we can see that Slavic peoples in the middle and south-eastern Europe formed multinational states, but followed some quite clear courses: formation of individual ethnic and national communities within a plural social system. Being aware of these historical processes, at the time of formation of their own national communities, these Slavic peoples (according to the level of their social and political organizations), especially in 1848, asked for a change of traditional societies and reorganization of the existing empires, not only by the language national principle, but also by the principle of sovereignty, policy of federalism and confederalism and the principles of international law and international agreement. All this should have made possible formation of essentially new political communities: individual national states within equal and democratic multinational communities, but within a new middle-class society. However, considered from the point of view of formation of the identity and individuality of Croatian nation, which is the subject of this paper, it is indisputable that Croatian national political programme and programme of confederalism as well as legal principles compatible with them (like natural and national laws, Croatian historical and constitutional laws, international law and international agreements), which were the values Croatian politicians based their national policy on since 1848, had the essential influence on the explicit quality of Croatian national-political individuality, and thus, looking historically, on the integration of Croatian nation and creation of Croatian political and state community (the united State of Croatia). The subject and vey complex structure of that political programme had an impact onto clear definition of Croatian national-political community (the united Tripartite Kingdom of Croatia) in relation to other political communities in such a multinational state as it was the Habsburg Monarchy. And that state, in their eyes should have been formed (within the new middle-class society, and a democratic and parliamentary system) on confederal basis, by means of international agreements between quite equal ethnic/national states: within the middle European Austrian confederation. In any case, Croatian nation (if we consider its national integrative processes in terms of events, in terms of idea and ideology and/or in terms of ethnic identity) was not formed nor developed as solely the so-called "language nation", as historiography would like it. For, neither is ethnos (not even ethnic community, or people, or nation, or ethnic identity) only a language-cultural category, nor the Croatian politicians and reformers took only language and culture to determine Croatian people and nation. On the contrary, Croatian nation was formed in the process of interactions of social and historical values which defined its individuality in relation to any other community on the whole area of middle and south-eastern Europe. Also, Croatian nation was not formed only as a natural community (determined by natural conditions of work and society and genealogic structure, i. e. determined by undefined Slavic union and/or undefined Slavic ethnic identity), but, in the course of processes of modernization, it was formed first of all as a historical community, based on group institutions of its own historical community. In other words, Croatian nation was formed on its own cultural, political, state and public-law traditions. It is quite clear that in this process neither Slavism, nor Illyrism, nor Yugoslavism had any role more important that the secondary one, not even for the definition of any particular ethnic identity. Illyrism and Yugoslavism had declarative ideological meaning, expressed through the idea of still non-existing community. On the contrary, Croatianism (as a national principle, as a community and as a legal, state and political system) was an expression of existence of Croatian community as reality. Thus, if we want to discuss the integration of Croatian nation and formation of Croatian political community, i. e. the united State of Croatia, we should realize that these processes were influenced by numerous values and structures, especially spiritual-cultural, political, economic, legal and social. However, the importance of political system and all its substructures – political action, political organization of the community, political programme and formation of a modern national state — should also be noted. Formation of Croatian political and state community, which was clearly stated in the Croatian national and political programme of 1848/49, assumed: 1) associating the segments of Croatian people into one political people, within one integral Croatian political community; 2) uniting of all Croatian provinces into one united Croatian state (Tripartite Kingdom of Croatia, Dreieiniges Koenigreich Kroatien). And these were the most important determinants which led to the political homogeneity and formation of Croatian nation and Croatian modern state.

Rad se bavi analizom reakcija Ujedinjenih naroda na zločin terorizma u obliku inkriminacije terorizma u nizu konvencija prihvaćenih u krilu te organizacije, no još više u obliku moralnih, ali i pravnih sankcija sadržanih u političkim osudama neobvezujućih rezolucija Opće skupštine, posebice tijekom hladnog rata, kao i u obvezujućim sankcijskim rezolucijama Vijeća sigurnosti počevši od 90-ih godina prošlog stoljeća. Pritom rad upućuje na specifičan razvojni proces koji počinje sankcijama prema državama odgovornima za tzv. "državni terorizam", a u posljednjih 15-ak godina sankcije su se gotovo potpuno usmjerile prema terorističkim organizacijama kao nedržavnim akterima te su razvojem međunarodnoga kaznenog pravosuđa otvorile prostor i individualnoj međunarodnoj kaznenoj odgovornosti za taj zločin. ; This paper analyzes the United Nations' reactions to the international crime of terrorism. It focuses on counter-terrorism international conventions adopted within the UN, as well as on moral and political sanctions contained in non-binding resolutions of the General Assembly during the period of the so-called ˝Cold war˝. However, the main focus of this research is on the analysis of legally binding resolutions adopted by the Security Council starting from the 1990s. The analysis of the development of the Security Council's resolutions adopted under Chapter VII of the UN Charter indicates that these resolutions, initially addressed to states responsible for the so- called ˝state terrorism˝, gradually became directed exclusively towards terrorist organizations as non-state actors. In this context, the ˝ISIL (Da'esh) and Al-Qaida Sanctions List˝ of the Security Council is being continuously expanded with names of individuals as well as of other non-state ˝entities and other groups˝ affected by these sanctions. Unfortunately, compared to the beginnig of 2015, when only 70 ˝entities and other groups˝ were listed, in March 2017 their number increased to over 360. These ˝entities and other groups˝, which originate from Tunisia, Mali, Albania, Afghanistan, Ethiopia, Bangladesh, the Comoros, Pakistan, Indonesia, Somalia, Kenya, Tanzania, Arabian Peninsula, Libya, Sudan, Egypt, the Caucasus region, Uzbekistan, and even Bosnia and Herzegovina, differ in various ways. Some of the above mentioned ˝entities˝ aim at overthrowing the government of their country, just like ˝classical˝ insurgents as temporary subjects of international law. Other non-state actors' activities are directed towards establishing a new state (for example, Ansar Eddine, Mouvement national de libération de l'Azawad – MNLA in Mali, Sudan People's Liberation Movement – SPLM in South Sudan). International crimes committed by these organizations are not only the object of the resolutions of the Security Council, but they are also in the focus of interest of the International Criminal Court (the ICC). Although the international crime of terrorism is not covered by the jurisdiction of the ICC under the Rome Statute, certain international crimes committed by terrorists or under the auspices of terrorist organizations share some common features with crimes against humanity, which fall under the jurisdiction of the ICC. Thus, the ICC indirectly contributes to the sanctioning for the crime of terrorism. Further evolution of the international criminal justice, both through the jurisprudence of the ICC and other ad hoc international and ˝hybrid˝ courts, will most certainly contribute to the development of international criminal liability of individuals for the crime of terrorism.

The paper deals with state border control. The introduction stresses the importance ofboth the existence and preservation of state borders without which no country in the worldcould exist. Moreover, through the implementation of effective and quality control, thevalues that a certain society has achieved are maintained, which is also a guiding principleof this paper. Regardless of the subject matter itself, it is always important to start froma theoretical approach, thus here we give a clear definition of state borders, the notion ofborder, types of borders and everything that makes them exist as such. An important roleof the EU regulation in the fight against and prevention of organised smuggling of peopleis emphasised and theoretical assumptions thereof are presented. The role of the EU bodiesand systems, such as FRONTEX and the Schengen Information System, is also extremelyimportant. The Republic of Croatia plays a very proactive role in this respect because of itsspecific position and the fact that its borders are at the same time the longest external landborders of the European Union. In this regard, it is necessary to act in a systematic, organisedand coherent manner together with all EU Member States in order to prevent any negativeimpacts of migrant waves. ; Tema je ovoga rada nadzor državne granice. U samome uvodu naglašena je važnostpostojanja, ali i čuvanja državnih granica bez kojih jednostavno nije moguće egzistiranjenijedne države na svijetu. Štoviše, provođenjem učinkovitog i kvalitetnog nadzora čuvaju sevrijednosti koje je određeno društvo postiglo što je i svojevrsna nit vodilja ovoga rada. Bitno je,bez obzira na samu temu, uvijek krenuti od teorijskog pristupa pa je tako i ovdje dana jasnadefinicija državnih granica, pojma granice, vrste i sve ono što ih sačinjava. Naglašena je važnauloga propisa Europske unije u suzbijanju i prevenciji organiziranog krijumčarenja ljudi te suprikazane teorijske postavke istoga. Izrazito važna je i uloga tijela i sustava Europske unijekao što je FRONTEX i Schengenski informacijski sustav. U svemu tome izrazito proaktivnuulogu ima i Republika Hrvatska zbog svoga specifičnog položaja i činjenice da su njezinegranice ujedno i najdulje kopnene vanjske granice Europske unije. U tome smislu potrebno jedjelovati sustavno, organizirano i koherentno zajedno sa svim državama članicama Europskeunije kako bi se spriječile eventualne loše posljedice migrantskih valova.

Tema je ovoga rada nadzor državne granice. U samome uvodu naglašena je važnost postojanja, ali i čuvanja državnih granica bez kojih jednostavno nije moguće egzistiranje nijedne države na svijetu. Štoviše, provođenjem učinkovitog i kvalitetnog nadzora čuvaju se vrijednosti koje je određeno društvo postiglo što je i svojevrsna nit vodilja ovoga rada. Bitno je, bez obzira na samu temu, uvijek krenuti od teorijskog pristupa pa je tako i ovdje dana jasna definicija državnih granica, pojma granice, vrste i sve ono što ih sačinjava. Naglašena je važna uloga propisa Europske unije u suzbijanju i prevenciji organiziranog krijumčarenja ljudi te su prikazane teorijske postavke istoga. Izrazito važna je i uloga tijela i sustava Europske unije kao što je FRONTEX i Schengenski informacijski sustav. U svemu tome izrazito proaktivnu ulogu ima i Republika Hrvatska zbog svoga specifičnog položaja i činjenice da su njezine granice ujedno i najdulje kopnene vanjske granice Europske unije. U tome smislu potrebno je djelovati sustavno, organizirano i koherentno zajedno sa svim državama članicama Europske unije kako bi se spriječile eventualne loše posljedice migrantskih valova. ; The paper deals with state border control. The introduction stresses the importance of both the existence and preservation of state borders without which no country in the world could exist. Moreover, through the implementation of effective and quality control, the values that a certain society has achieved are maintained, which is also a guiding principle of this paper. Regardless of the subject matter itself, it is always important to start from a theoretical approach, thus here we give a clear definition of state borders, the notion of border, types of borders and everything that makes them exist as such. An important role of the EU regulation in the fight against and prevention of organised smuggling of people is emphasised and theoretical assumptions thereof are presented. The role of the EU bodies and systems, such as FRONTEX and the Schengen Information System, is also extremely important. The Republic of Croatia plays a very proactive role in this respect because of its specific position and the fact that its borders are at the same time the longest external land borders of the European Union. In this regard, it is necessary to act in a systematic, organised and coherent manner together with all EU Member States in order to prevent any negative impacts of migrant waves.

In this article I will examine the powers and activities of NATO-led Kosovo forces (KFOR) and their impact on human rights protection in Kosovo. Through this examination, I seek to answer the following questions: which KFOR actions affected the human rights of Kosovars? Does KFOR carry out responsibilities and abide by the obligations normally imposed upon nation-states? And is there a solution available when the alleged violator is KFOR? KFOR is responsible for carrying out military tasks and for 'shouldering' UNMIK and local security forces in some civilian peace-building tasks. In the course of the exercise of its mandate, there were alleged complaints of human rights violations by KFOR. The legal implications of these alleged complaints against KFOR (in)actions will also be discussed. ; In this article I will examine the powers and activities of NATO-led Kosovo forces (KFOR) and their impact on human rights protection in Kosovo. Through this examination, I seek to answer the following questions: which KFOR actions affected the human rights of Kosovars? Does KFOR carry out responsibilities and abide by the obligations normally imposed upon nation-states? And is there a solution available when the alleged violator is KFOR? KFOR is responsible for carrying out military tasks and for 'shouldering' UNMIK and local security forces in some civilian peace-building tasks. In the course of the exercise of its mandate, there were alleged complaints of human rights violations by KFOR. The legal implications of these alleged complaints against KFOR (in)actions will also be discussed.

Koncept male države često se napada u znanosti zbog neprihvaćanja mogućnosti svrstavanja značajki dinamičnog svijeta, pa i država, u kategorije. Različitost primijenjenih kvantitativnih i kvalitativnih kriterija definiranja malih država omogućuje kombiniranje dvaju ili više kriterija, dajući pritom različite definicije malih država. Primjenom dvaju kvantitativnih kriterija, površine i broja stanovnika, u radu je napravljena klasifikacija malih država, koja pokazuje visoku podudarnost malog broja stanovnika i male površine država. Male države, kategorizirane prema primijenjenim kriterijima, čine gotovo trećinu svih svjetskih država, a nalaze se u gotovo svim svjetskim geopolitičkim regijama te su ponajviše nastale procesom dekolonizacije i raspadom višenacionalnih komunističkih federacija. Više od polovine malih svjetskih država čine male otočne države. Bez obzira na međusobne različitosti kod malih je država, posebice otočnih, moguće identificirati više zajedničkih značajki. ; The concept of small states has seldom been challenged in science, because of refusal to accept the possibility of grouping the characteristics of a dynamic world, such as states, into categories. The variability of quantitative and qualitative criteria that have been applied in defining small states open up possibilities of combining two or more criteria, giving us various definitions of small states. By applying two quantitative criteria, area and population, a classification of small states was made, showing high accordance in the number of states with small population and small area. Small states, defined by the criteria that were applied, make up for almost one third of all states in the World. Small states are primarily the result of the decolonization process and the break-up of multinational communist federations. Small island states comprise more than half of all small states in the World. Regardless of their differences, several attributes can be identified that are common to the small states.

Dugo je vremena koncept suvereniteta smatran kamenom temeljcem domaćeg i međunarodnog prava te političke misli. Koncepcija suvereniteta blisko je povezana s koncepcijom države. Bilo je to »normalno« stanje države, u kojem ona ima vrhovnu ili konačnu vlast u unutarnjim političkim i pravnim pitanjima, a svojstvo neovisnosti prema drugim državama. Međunarodnu zajednicu činile su ravnopravne i neovisne države. Danas, na početku 21. stoljeća, koncept suvereniteta izložen je mnogim izazovima, od kojih je najznačajniji proces globalizacije koji je doveo do sve veće međupovezanosti ljudi širom svijeta vidljive na svim poljima: političkim, vojnim, ekonomskim, kulturnim i pravnim. U ovom radu usredotočit ćemo se na pitanje kako globalizacija utječe na državni suverenitet te da ti pregled argumenata korištenih u novijoj literaturi. ; The concept of sovereignty was for a long time considered as one of the cornerstones of national and international law, and of political thought. The concept of sovereignty was closely connected with the concept of the state. It was a »normal« situation of a country where it had supreme or final power in political and legal matters in its domestic affairs, while at the same time it was independent in relation to all other countries. The international community used to consist of equal and independent states. At the beginning of the 21st century, the concept of sovereignty is faced with many challenges, both in theory and in practice. What happens within a country's territory and to its inhabitants is now less a consequence of national politics than the result of international circumstances – the difference between internal and foreign affairs is becoming increasingly vague. Several processes are happening simultaneously: globalisation (the development of information and communication technology; increase in foreign investments, the development of multinational corporations, and strengthening of the international economic and trade organisations' role), the process of European integration, the development of international protection of human rights (the development of cogent rules of international law, humanitarian interventions, the role of transnational non- governmental organisations), and the phenomenon of »failed states«. All the above mentioned has created a need to redefine the concept of sovereignty.