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International audience ; The advent of a global economy, which attempts to escape state regulation, requires, according to Habermas, a paradigm shift in institutional terms. The nation-state was able to objectify in a new way the ―correctable‖ nature of social inequalities. However, a nation-state whose fundamental structure evolves into a post-national state could take the risk of exposing itself to a deficit of political legitimacy, and ―democratic trust‖. Thus resulting in an inability of nation-states, the only possibility is to diagnose the restriction of their freedom of maneuver, a fortiori before the establishment of a post-national structure. Within this context, the evolution of the nation-state seems to lead to a political crisis which implies powerlessness. 1. Jürgen Habermas – «Transformation post-nationale et avenir de la démocratie » La perspective du dépassement du cadre national en Europe au profit d'une fédération d'États démocratiques – qui soit à même de ―civilizer‖ la mondialisation et de conjurer une éventuelle recrudescence des particularismes nationaux – a remis à l'ordre du jour la question de la légitimité démocratique au sein de cette nouvelle constellation post-nationale. L'avènement d'une économie mondiale, échappant aux tentatives de régulation étatiques appelle en effet, selon Habermas, un changement de paradigme sur le plan institutionnel. L'État-nation a pu objectiver de façon inédite le caractère «corrigible» (Habermas [1998] 2000: 44) des inégalités sociales. Or, un État-nation, dont la structure fondamentale évolue en Etat post-national, pourrait prendre le risque de s'exposer à un déficit de légitimité politique, et de «confiance démocratique» 1. Entraînant ainsi une incapacité des États-nations, ne fût-ce qu'à diagnostiquer la restriction de leur marge de manoeuvre, a fortiori devant la constitution d'une structure 1 «Si la souveraineté de l'État n'est plus conçue comme indivisible, mais partagée avec des acteurs internationaux ; si les États n'ont plus le contrôle de leurs ...

International audience ; The advent of a global economy, which attempts to escape state regulation, requires, according to Habermas, a paradigm shift in institutional terms. The nation-state was able to objectify in a new way the ―correctable‖ nature of social inequalities. However, a nation-state whose fundamental structure evolves into a post-national state could take the risk of exposing itself to a deficit of political legitimacy, and ―democratic trust‖. Thus resulting in an inability of nation-states, the only possibility is to diagnose the restriction of their freedom of maneuver, a fortiori before the establishment of a post-national structure. Within this context, the evolution of the nation-state seems to lead to a political crisis which implies powerlessness. 1. Jürgen Habermas – «Transformation post-nationale et avenir de la démocratie » La perspective du dépassement du cadre national en Europe au profit d'une fédération d'États démocratiques – qui soit à même de ―civilizer‖ la mondialisation et de conjurer une éventuelle recrudescence des particularismes nationaux – a remis à l'ordre du jour la question de la légitimité démocratique au sein de cette nouvelle constellation post-nationale. L'avènement d'une économie mondiale, échappant aux tentatives de régulation étatiques appelle en effet, selon Habermas, un changement de paradigme sur le plan institutionnel. L'État-nation a pu objectiver de façon inédite le caractère «corrigible» (Habermas [1998] 2000: 44) des inégalités sociales. Or, un État-nation, dont la structure fondamentale évolue en Etat post-national, pourrait prendre le risque de s'exposer à un déficit de légitimité politique, et de «confiance démocratique» 1. Entraînant ainsi une incapacité des États-nations, ne fût-ce qu'à diagnostiquer la restriction de leur marge de manoeuvre, a fortiori devant la constitution d'une structure 1 «Si la souveraineté de l'État n'est plus conçue comme indivisible, mais partagée avec des acteurs internationaux ; si les États n'ont plus le contrôle de leurs ...

The advent of a global economy, which attempts to escape state regulation, requires, according to Habermas, a paradigm shift in institutional terms. The Nation-State was able to object in a new way the corrective nature of social inequalities. However, a Nation-State whose fundamental structure Evolves into a post-national state could take the risk of exposing itself to a deficit of political legitimacy, and democratic trust. This results in an inability of nation-states, the only possibility is to diagnose the restriction of their freedom of maneuver, a fortiori before the establishment of a post-national structure. Within this context, the evolution of the Nation-State seems to lead to a political crisis which implies powerlessness. 1. Jürgen Habermas — "Post-national transformation and future of democracy" The prospect of moving beyond the national framework in Europe towards a federation of democratic states — capable of civic globalisation and a possible upsurge in national particularisms — has put back on the agenda the question of democratic legitimacy within this new post-national constellation. The advent of a global economy, escaping attempts to regulate the state, calls, according to Habermas, for a paradigm shift at institutional level. The nation state has been able to make the 'correctibility' objective unprecedented (Habermas [1998] 2000: 44) social inequalities. However, a nation state, whose fundamental structure is changing into a post-national state, could take the risk of being exposed to a lack of political legitimacy and 'democratic trust' 1. This leads to the inability of nation states, even if only to diagnose the restriction of their room for manoeuvre, especially in the context of the creation of a structure 1 "If the sovereignty of the state is no longer conceived as indivisible but shared with international actors; States no longer have control over their own territories; and while territorial and political borders are increasingly permeable, the central principles of liberal ...

When looking at the decline of the nation state, Habermas is in fact focusing on a democracy threatened, particularly in Europe, by the erosion of stato-national sovereignty. Globalisation effectively calls into question what it calls the social state, a laborious construction put in place in European countries to regulate the economy and contain inequalities, but also to protect individuals and defend human rights by law (.). ; En examinant le déclin de l'État-nation, Habermas s'intéresse en fait surtout celui d'une démocratie menacée notamment en Europe par l'érosion des souverainetés stato-nationales. La globalisation remet effectivement en cause ce qu'il appelle l'État social, une construction laborieusement mise en place dans les pays européens pour réguler l'économie et contenir les inégalités mais aussi pour protéger les individus et défendre les droits de l'homme par la loi (.).

Ever since Independence in 1962, the army has played a critical role in the political life of Algeria. "The army's prominence is based on three factors: its historical legitimacy, the personal popularity and charisma of Colonel Houari Boumediene, and the army's populist discourse, which offered the prospect of a form of social and economic development oriented towards poverty alleviation. By the start of crisis in the 1980s, the historical legitimacy of the army had declined with the renewal of succeeding generations. Having failed to deliver on its promises, the populist discourse had also lost its credibility and influence.[1] From being based on the charismatic leadership of a popular figure, the Algerian regime evolved into a military oligarchy after the death of Boumédiene in 1978. The appointment of the notably uncharismatic and politically unambitious officer, Colonel Chadli Bendjedid, as President in 1978 was to lead the regime into a particularly violent period of crisis. In an effort to escape from this dead-end, the same regime that had appointed Bendjedid then nominated Abdelaziz Bouteflika as President. By doing so, the regime expressed the desire to turn back the clock and return to the successes of the past, by choosing in Bouteflika a former 'brother in arms' of Boumediene.

Ever since Independence in 1962, the army has played a critical role in the political life of Algeria. "The army's prominence is based on three factors: its historical legitimacy, the personal popularity and charisma of Colonel Houari Boumediene, and the army's populist discourse, which offered the prospect of a form of social and economic development oriented towards poverty alleviation. By the start of crisis in the 1980s, the historical legitimacy of the army had declined with the renewal of succeeding generations. Having failed to deliver on its promises, the populist discourse had also lost its credibility and influence.[1] From being based on the charismatic leadership of a popular figure, the Algerian regime evolved into a military oligarchy after the death of Boumédiene in 1978. The appointment of the notably uncharismatic and politically unambitious officer, Colonel Chadli Bendjedid, as President in 1978 was to lead the regime into a particularly violent period of crisis. In an effort to escape from this dead-end, the same regime that had appointed Bendjedid then nominated Abdelaziz Bouteflika as President. By doing so, the regime expressed the desire to turn back the clock and return to the successes of the past, by choosing in Bouteflika a former 'brother in arms' of Boumediene.

Ever since Independence in 1962, the army has played a critical role in the political life of Algeria. "The army's prominence is based on three factors: its historical legitimacy, the personal popularity and charisma of Colonel Houari Boumediene, and the army's populist discourse, which offered the prospect of a form of social and economic development oriented towards poverty alleviation. By the start of crisis in the 1980s, the historical legitimacy of the army had declined with the renewal of succeeding generations. Having failed to deliver on its promises, the populist discourse had also lost its credibility and influence.[1] From being based on the charismatic leadership of a popular figure, the Algerian regime evolved into a military oligarchy after the death of Boumédiene in 1978. The appointment of the notably uncharismatic and politically unambitious officer, Colonel Chadli Bendjedid, as President in 1978 was to lead the regime into a particularly violent period of crisis. In an effort to escape from this dead-end, the same regime that had appointed Bendjedid then nominated Abdelaziz Bouteflika as President. By doing so, the regime expressed the desire to turn back the clock and return to the successes of the past, by choosing in Bouteflika a former 'brother in arms' of Boumediene.

International audience ; Au-delà des territoires, la maîtrise de l'armature nationale s'affirme par le degré de consolidation d'une démocratie. Au Mali, la situation de la IIIème République, sans cesse évolutive, contribue à renforcer la phase de stabilisation actuelle. En effet, la décentralisation mise en place en 1999 a matérialisé un nouvel espace resserrant le démembrement des prérogatives de l'État dans un nouveau découpage rationalisé. Á travers cette dialectique, on comprend bien que l'État a besoin de repères spatiaux pour affirmer son identité. Antithèse de la dimension tangible, l'espace social et son environnement s'en trouve ballotter. L'expérience politique locale échappe-t-elle aux agitations, comme tendraient à le faire croire de forts idéaux attribués aux structures spatiales élémentaires par le mot d'ordre de la décentralisation ? Par la participation, les comportements électoraux confirmeront le niveau de maîtrise des territoires de l'État africain.

International audience ; Au-delà des territoires, la maîtrise de l'armature nationale s'affirme par le degré de consolidation d'une démocratie. Au Mali, la situation de la IIIème République, sans cesse évolutive, contribue à renforcer la phase de stabilisation actuelle. En effet, la décentralisation mise en place en 1999 a matérialisé un nouvel espace resserrant le démembrement des prérogatives de l'État dans un nouveau découpage rationalisé. Á travers cette dialectique, on comprend bien que l'État a besoin de repères spatiaux pour affirmer son identité. Antithèse de la dimension tangible, l'espace social et son environnement s'en trouve ballotter. L'expérience politique locale échappe-t-elle aux agitations, comme tendraient à le faire croire de forts idéaux attribués aux structures spatiales élémentaires par le mot d'ordre de la décentralisation ? Par la participation, les comportements électoraux confirmeront le niveau de maîtrise des territoires de l'État africain.

International audience ; Au-delà des territoires, la maîtrise de l'armature nationale s'affirme par le degré de consolidation d'une démocratie. Au Mali, la situation de la IIIème République, sans cesse évolutive, contribue à renforcer la phase de stabilisation actuelle. En effet, la décentralisation mise en place en 1999 a matérialisé un nouvel espace resserrant le démembrement des prérogatives de l'État dans un nouveau découpage rationalisé. Á travers cette dialectique, on comprend bien que l'État a besoin de repères spatiaux pour affirmer son identité. Antithèse de la dimension tangible, l'espace social et son environnement s'en trouve ballotter. L'expérience politique locale échappe-t-elle aux agitations, comme tendraient à le faire croire de forts idéaux attribués aux structures spatiales élémentaires par le mot d'ordre de la décentralisation ? Par la participation, les comportements électoraux confirmeront le niveau de maîtrise des territoires de l'État africain.

At the threshold of the 21st century European Union gives a renewed sens of the concept of supranationality. This concept, basic aspiration as well as a perfectible principle of which end is integration, constitutes a dominant feature of European framework reflecting its sui generis nature. The concept of supranationality presupposes a complete legal system superposed to that of other member countries expressing the will peculiar to European identity. It is via the coming together of the States which this concept creates, that it reveals a social solidarity propicious to the development of a public system of values and to the advent of a global support that the organization needs to bloom. The original aspect of the supranational nature, as a new form of political organisation, is mainly the result of the relationships it has with States, and furthermore, with the individuals who are its subjects and whose common good is its objective. It is in European commitment the Nation-State finds the means of reinforcing itself. The constitutionalisation which brings to light the double aspect of the concept of national sovereignty, renders the State a mere instrument in the service of the nation. The Nation-State endows a status, which constitutes a kind of supranational conditioning, that proves the compatibility of the two legal systems. The adaptability shown by the Nation-State is by no way a sign of atrophy of its original principle of unity. The constitutional integration of supranationality gives the opportunity of consolidating its essence while reasserting the intangibility of its political unity. The respect of national membership and of the link between an individual and its nation seem to be the primary conditions on which depends the efficiency of the supranational traits. The individual, who is the ultimate subject of the supranational action as well as the source of its legitimacy, is the one through whom European organisation finds its raison d'être. ; L'Union européenne offre au 21ème siècle une image ...

At the threshold of the 21st century European Union gives a renewed sens of the concept of supranationality. This concept, basic aspiration as well as a perfectible principle of which end is integration, constitutes a dominant feature of European framework reflecting its sui generis nature. The concept of supranationality presupposes a complete legal system superposed to that of other member countries expressing the will peculiar to European identity. It is via the coming together of the States which this concept creates, that it reveals a social solidarity propicious to the development of a public system of values and to the advent of a global support that the organization needs to bloom. The original aspect of the supranational nature, as a new form of political organisation, is mainly the result of the relationships it has with States, and furthermore, with the individuals who are its subjects and whose common good is its objective. It is in European commitment the Nation-State finds the means of reinforcing itself. The constitutionalisation which brings to light the double aspect of the concept of national sovereignty, renders the State a mere instrument in the service of the nation. The Nation-State endows a status, which constitutes a kind of supranational conditioning, that proves the compatibility of the two legal systems. The adaptability shown by the Nation-State is by no way a sign of atrophy of its original principle of unity. The constitutional integration of supranationality gives the opportunity of consolidating its essence while reasserting the intangibility of its political unity. The respect of national membership and of the link between an individual and its nation seem to be the primary conditions on which depends the efficiency of the supranational traits. The individual, who is the ultimate subject of the supranational action as well as the source of its legitimacy, is the one through whom European organisation finds its raison d'être. ; L'Union européenne offre au 21ème siècle une image ...

The first globalisation coincided with the establishment of the nation as a legitimate basis for political sovereignty. Globalisation and the expansion of the nation state are the result of the same ideological, technological and economic developments. The nation is a new universalism, resulting in the formation of distinct but relatively equivalent political and cultural units. The formation of nation states takes place within a strictly transnational framework and quickly opens up the issue of international affairs. The term refers not only to the organisation of relations between nation states but also to the union of social groups across national borders. Nineteenth century Europe reinforces its hegemonic position in the first globalisation by establishing itself as the central place of modern universalism, as the place where its political and cultural norms are established, and as the home for their challenge. ; International audience The first globalisation coincided with the consecration of the nation as the legitimate foundation for political sovereignty. Globalisation and the expansion of the Nation-State in fact emerge out of the same ideological, technological and economic developments. The nation is a new form of universalism, which translates into the formation of distinct but relatively similar cultural and political units. The formation of Nation-States took place against a transnational background, but rapidly raised the issue of its international dimension. This involves the organisation of relations between Nation-States, but also the unity of social categories beyond national frontiers. 19th century Europe comforted its hegemonic position in the first globalisation by instituting itself as the major pole of modern universalism, as the locus for the institutionalisation of its political and cultural norms, and as the heart of any contestation against them. ; The first globalisation coincided with the establishment of the nation as a legitimate basis for political sovereignty. Globalisation and ...

national hearing ; Cet article se propose d'analyser les raisons qui ont conduit le Japon du début de l'ère Meiji à adopter le système de conscription pour la création d'une armée moderne. Il expose les débats qui ont agité les élites politiques japonaises entre les partisans d'une armée professionnelle basée sur l'ancienne classe des samurai et les tenants d'une armée nationale fondée sur la généralisation du service militaire. Il s'intéresse également à la façon dont la société japonaise a réceptionné cet "impôt du sang" et les stratégies d'évitement, voire de fraude, développées par les familles et les futurs conscrits pour contourner cette obligation mal comprise, à l'origine d'émeutes paysannes mettant en cause, au-delà du service militaire, la politique de modernisation prônée par les pouvoirs publics. ; national hearing ; National audience

Only the State had a legal personality at the end of the 1789 Revolution. Derived from the phrase "[t] he State is the legal personification of a nation", the above-mentioned personality endows the first (state), to the detriment of the second (the nation), subjective rights. What about after the democratic revolution of 1989, that is to say, some two centuries later? This study attempts to show the revanche of the nation in legal theory from a context in which it was particularly bullied. On the one hand, the nation has a double mediate and immediate representation of the fact that it participates, with an initial legislative power, the formation of the general Will. We also know that the democratic renewal imposed the issue of legitimacy which the nation can control mediately (by the intermediation of the constitutional Court) or immediately (by referendum), the action of other organs including the constituent whose power skill set is framed by the constitution. Investment supranational bodies we discover more and more into the national legal trade makes the question of legitimacy more efficient when the nation, but also its various components (the ability to capture the regional, community or even international Instances), may require the condemnation of the State for breach of legal obligations. The idea of legitimacy is thus assumed for the nation, the opportunity to evaluate the work of state bodies from a large legal system. On the other hand, the constitutional recognition of national diversity and even taking into account the governance of the State profoundly reconfigured the principle of (national) sovereignty maintained by the revolutionary constitutional Law. Based on the principles of personality and territoriality, the African context provides evidence that the nation and sub-national communities are now holders of rights (political, socio-cultural) subjective, which changes the landscape of the modern State. We talk about plural juridical ways to characterize a plural political arrangement. It ...