Suchergebnisse

by Matthias Küntzel ; ursprüngl. erschienen in: Jewish political studies review, spring 2005, selbstst. Fassung von Matthias Küntzel

De 1933 à 1939, de nombreux intellectuels occidentaux se rendirent en Allemagne afin de se confronter à une expérience politique nouvelle : le national-socialisme. Modèle théorique atypique, le nazisme se pose comme le successeur d'un idéal démocratique libéral vieillissant et intrigue autant qu'il inquiète. Entre bienveillance et rejet profond, l'intelligentsia internationale ayant effectué le voyage d'Allemagne livra une littérature féconde et riche d'enseignements sur la perception et la construction d'une nouvelle image du national-socialisme allemand. Dans la lignée des travaux de François Hourmant sur la Chine populaire et Cuba, ou de Rachel Mazuy et Sophie Coeuré sur la Russie soviétique, une étude sur le phénomène du voyage dans l'Allemagne totalitaire s'imposait. Grâce à une mémoire du nazisme décomplexée depuis les travaux de Peter Reichel au début des années quatre-vingt dix, la mise en lumière d'une fascination du nazisme à l'échelle internationale est dès lors envisageable. Ainsi, la pratique du voyage ne relève plus de l'anecdote personnelle mais s'envisage dans une contribution au parcours politique et idéologique de chacun, véritable vecteur d'éveil au sein des consciences collectives.

De 1933 à 1939, de nombreux intellectuels occidentaux se rendirent en Allemagne afin de se confronter à une expérience politique nouvelle : le national-socialisme. Modèle théorique atypique, le nazisme se pose comme le successeur d'un idéal démocratique libéral vieillissant et intrigue autant qu'il inquiète. Entre bienveillance et rejet profond, l'intelligentsia internationale ayant effectué le voyage d'Allemagne livra une littérature féconde et riche d'enseignements sur la perception et la construction d'une nouvelle image du national-socialisme allemand. Dans la lignée des travaux de François Hourmant sur la Chine populaire et Cuba, ou de Rachel Mazuy et Sophie Coeuré sur la Russie soviétique, une étude sur le phénomène du voyage dans l'Allemagne totalitaire s'imposait. Grâce à une mémoire du nazisme décomplexée depuis les travaux de Peter Reichel au début des années quatre-vingt dix, la mise en lumière d'une fascination du nazisme à l'échelle internationale est dès lors envisageable. Ainsi, la pratique du voyage ne relève plus de l'anecdote personnelle mais s'envisage dans une contribution au parcours politique et idéologique de chacun, véritable vecteur d'éveil au sein des consciences collectives.

For some the nineteenth century was the age of prophets. All over Europe new ideas struggled for precedence. Idealism was a strong issue, but committing to particular political ideas had its risks. Over the years ideas about country and nation had undergone changes. Under the influence of Johann Gottfried Herder (1744-1803) an organic concept of nations had become widely accepted. The assumption was that nations – like people, animals and plants – went through the phases of birth, growth, prosperity and death. As a mere metaphor, this concept was relatively harmless. However, Herder's organic ideas also seeped through to science. Due to Charles Darwin's influence such ideas found their way into political and scientific jargon and thought. Metaphor had turned into identity.1 Geography became political geography and political geography engendered geopolitics. Karl Haushofer was Germany's main exponent of geopolitics. His contemporaries, geo-politicians such as Richard Henning and Leo Körholz defined the term geopolitics…"Geopolitics is a method of political analysis which emphasizes the role played by geography in international relations". In his Dictionary of Geopolitics author John O'Loughlin in 1994 concluded that Geopolitik was mainly a political weapon, intellectual ammunition, from which evolved German expansionism and hegemony concepts.

This article discusses a discursive phenomenon: the prominent, arbitrary use of the name and biography of Eva Braun, Adolf Hitler's wife of his last hours before their joint suicide, as a cipher for privileged insight into the private life of the National Socialist elite. Unknown to the German public before 1945, Braun has attracted considerable attention since – as voyeuristic interest of the post-war (boulevard) press as well as as decontextualized icon of today's popular and high cultures. In this article, Johanna Gehmacher analyzes the differences and interrelations between the seemingly contradictory use of Eva Braun as icon and cipher in public discourse, arguing that we must approach historical figures in their specific contexts if we are to understand their political functions. ; This article discusses a discursive phenomenon: the prominent, arbitrary use of the name and biography of Eva Braun, Adolf Hitler's wife of his last hours before their joint suicide, as a cipher for privileged insight into the private life of the National Socialist elite. Unknown to the German public before 1945, Braun has attracted considerable attention since – as voyeuristic interest of the post-war (boulevard) press as well as as decontextualized icon of today's popular and high cultures. In this article, Johanna Gehmacher analyzes the differences and interrelations between the seemingly contradictory use of Eva Braun as icon and cipher in public discourse, arguing that we must approach historical figures in their specific contexts if we are to understand their political functions.

Titel und Inhaltsverzeichnis I. Einleitung 5 1. Zur Person Ilse Szagunns, ihren politischen Voraussetzungen und ihrem Selbstverständnis als weiblicher Arzt 1.1. 1.2. 1.3. 1.4. Ilse Szagunn als lebendiges Beispiel der berufstätigen Mutter : ein biographischer Überblick Ilse Szagunn als biologisch denkender Arzt : der Einfluß von Sozial- und Rassenhygiene. Gedenke, daß Du eine deutsche Frau bist! : Ilse Szagunns politische Prägung und Orientierung Die Pionierinnen vor Augen - Ilse Szagunn und die erste in Deutschland approbierte Ärztinnengeneration 13 25 35 48 2. Die Gesunderhaltung der berufstätigen Jugendlichen - Jugendlichenhygiene und weibliche Schulgesundheitspflege als Bestandteil sozialhygienischer Maßnahmen 2.1. 2.2. 2.3. 2.4. Vom Schularzt zum Schülerarzt - Historische Eckpunkte der Schulgesundheitspflege für Jugendliche Eine besonders gefährdete Altersgruppe - zum Aufgabenfeld der Schulärzte für Jugendliche Der Einfluß der sozialhygienischen Ideen von Adolf Gottstein und Ignaz Kaups auf Ilse Szagunns gesundheitspolitische Vorstellungen. Zwischen Arbeitsberuf und Mutterberuf : die Berufsschulfürsorge für weibliche Jugendliche. 62 69 77 82 3. Sexualerziehung, zentrale Aufgabe des weiblichen Arztes bei der Durchdringung des gesamten Schullebens mit gesundheitlichem Geiste 3.1. 3.2. 3.3. 3.4. Von den Pflichten der Kranken und Gesunden - Der Kampf gegen Geschlechtskrankheiten im zeitlichen Wandel. Die ethische Zielsetzung muß stimmen: die Sexualerziehung weiblicher Jugendlicher in Schule und Berufsschule Erziehung zur Verantwortung für das kommende Geschlecht - junge unverheiratete Frauen als wichtige Zielgruppe in Ilse Szagunns Tätigkeitsfeldern Gegen das Chaos auf sexuellem Gebiet - Ilse Szagunns Einstellung zur Sexualität und den höheren Aufgaben von jungen Mädchen 92 98 106 116 4. Ilse Szagunn als Ärztin und bevölkerungspolitische Expertin in der Weimarer Republik und im Nationalsozialismus 131 4.1. 4.2. 4.3. 4.4. Bevölkerungspolitik und Rassenhygiene Volksgesundung, Landfrauen und Stillkrippen: Ilse ...

herausgegeben von Käte Meyer-Drawe und Kristin Platt ; Inhaltstext ; Inhaltsverzeichnis ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- PVA 2007.4007

ISSN : 978-2-915651-99-7 ; National audience ; Étude du groupe "Socialisme ou Barbarie" lors de Mai 1968.

In meiner Dissertation beschÃ$ftige ich mich mit der Ãffentlichen und privaten Jugendwohlfahrt wÃ$hrend des Nationalsozialismus in KÃ$rnten. Im ersten Teil widme ich mich ideologischen Voraussetzungen nationalsozialistischer JugendfÃrsorgepolitik und eng damit verbunden mit der Rolle der parteiamtlichen Jugendhilfe. Der zweite Abschnitt behandelt die rechtlichen Grundlagen der JugendfÃrsorge, Aufbau und Struktur der Ãffentlichen Jugendhilfe sowie die Situation der konfessionellen JugendfÃrsorge. Weiters geht es in diesem Abschnitt um die damals existierenden Kinderheime in KÃ$rnten, um die BekÃ$mpfung der "Jugendverwahrlosung" und um die Behandlung von Juden und Zigeunern durch die Jugendwohlfahrt. Der dritte Teil der Dissertation beinhaltet Ãberwiegend die Auswertung der Akten der JugendÃ$mter (Magistrat Klagenfurt, Bezirkshauptmannschaft Villach). Beispielsweise mit welcher BegrÃndung sind welche MaÃnahmen bei welchen BevÃlkerungsgruppen vorgenommen worden. AnschlieÃend folgt noch GegenÃberstellung und Vergleich der beiden untersuchten JugendÃ$mter. Den Abschluà dieses letzten Teiles bilden Fallbeispiele wie der Umgang von NS-Dienststellen mit dem Jugendamt oder der Umgang des Jugendamtes mit behinderten Menschen. ; No abstract available ; Christoph Kreitner ; Klagenfurt, Alpen-Adria-Univ., Diss., 2006 ; KB2006 15f ; OeBB ; (VLID)2415595

The German colonial plans concerning Africa in the era of National Socialism attached a central role to the sciences. Scientists in various fields launched into activities. Especially subjects that were directly related to the practice of colonial policies, e.g. African languages, ethnology, law, economic sciences, and medicine, were developed. There were colonial ambitions at nearly every German university, but only one was designated to become the centre of colonial sciences: the University of Hamburg. Most of the colonial scientists were members of the colonial movement or had been to Africa before. They were not fully aware of the fact that their colonial ambitions were in conflict with the regime's prevailing orientation towards an expansion in the East, and belonged to those who intended to »do work in advance for the Führer«. In this respect, they took the initiative, were highly politicized and often one step ahead of the regime's policies. ; The German colonial plans concerning Africa in the era of National Socialism attached a central role to the sciences. Scientists in various fields launched into activities. Especially subjects that were directly related to the practice of colonial policies, e.g. African languages, ethnology, law, economic sciences, and medicine, were developed. There were colonial ambitions at nearly every German university, but only one was designated to become the centre of colonial sciences: the University of Hamburg. Most of the colonial scientists were members of the colonial movement or had been to Africa before. They were not fully aware of the fact that their colonial ambitions were in conflict with the regime's prevailing orientation towards an expansion in the East, and belonged to those who intended to »do work in advance for the Führer«. In this respect, they took the initiative, were highly politicized and often one step ahead of the regime's policies.

Editorial. ; Debate: A propósito del socialismo del siglo XXI. ; El socialismo científico. ; Recordando algunas de las enseñanzas básicas del marxismo. ; What is scientific-philosophical socialism-i.e., marxism? ; Lee, Franz J. T. ; Algunos aportes para el debate sobre la construcción del socialismo en Venezuela. ; Contributions to the debate on the construction of socialism in Venezuela. ; Villegas, Silvio ; Socialismos en el siglo XXI: Debate insensato. ; Socialisms in the XXI century: Senseless debate. ; Mata Mollejas, Luís ; El socialismo y las mujeres: Una mirada desde nosotras. ; Women and socialism: A look from us. ; García R., Carmen Teresa ; ¿El ecosocialismo como vía hacia el ecomunismo? ; Una propuesta pragmática. ; Ecosocialism as a way toward ecommunism? ; A pragmatic proposal. ; Capriles Arias, Elías Manuel ; El socialismo chino: ¿Una referencia histórica para la construcción del socialismo del siglo XXI en Venezuela? ; Chinese socialism: A historical reference for the construction of XXI century socialism in Venezuela? ; Cejas Armas, Ismael ; Rearmando la memoria: El primer debate socialista acerca de nuestros afroamericanos. ; Reconstructing our memory: The first socialist debate regarding our afro-americans. ; Melgar Bao, Ricardo ; La experiencia socialista en África. ; Experience of socialism in Africa. ; Lugemalila Ishemo, Shubi ; Caleidoscopio ; Lo político en la integración. ; Politics and integration. ; Cardozo, Elsa ; Reminiscencias. Poemas desde el sur. ; Reminiscences. Poems from the South. ; Quang Thieu, Nguyen y Chinnaswamy, Mudnakudu ; Traductor: Hill, Rowena ; Diálogos ; Diálogo con Alan Woods. ; De la teoría a la experiencia de las masas. ; Mata, María Gabriela ; Reseñas ; Kumar, Corinne (editora): Asking, we walk: the south as new political imaginary. ; Reseñado por: Lucena Molero, Hernán ; Brigue, Jonuel: Para ti me cuento a China. ; Reseñado por: Mata, María Gabriela ; Documentos ; La revolución temprana. ; Puliti, Giandomenico ; Réplicas ; 167-183 ; s.ishemo@btinternet.com ; semestral ; Nivel analítico

During the last fifty years a large number of scholarly publications appeared in which the possible influence of the German ideology of National Socialism on the South African policy of apartheid is briefly or, in some cases, extensively discussed. The majority of these publications argue that there was no direct link between National Socialism and apartheid, but there are a significant number of scholars who maintain that National Socialism as a variant of Fascism had an important influence on apartheid. Some of these scholars take a Marxist theory of Fascism as their point of departure and their views have been largely discredited. The arguments of some recent authors, however, are still taken seriously in academic circles. The aim of the article is to provide a survey of the main views about the relationship between apartheid and National Socialism, and to identify dominant trends and key questions. It is concluded that scholars who claim that the influence of the National Socialist ideology on South African political leaders in the period before and during the Second World War resulted in the authoritarian practices which characterised the implementation of apartheid have not done sufficient historical research to substantiate their arguments.

National liberation is socialism. A liberated Philippines is a socialist Philippines. The Constitutional Commission has not written a socialist constitution nor is the present government socialist. The progressive forces seem to be squandering a tremendous opportunity to transform society.

¿Habla español? Military Review translated this study to Spanish. View the translated study. The author answers questions regarding "Who is Hugo Chavez?" "How can the innumerable charges and countercharges between the Venezuelan and U.S. governments be interpreted?" "What are the implications for democracy and stability in Latin America?" In an attempt to answer these and related questions, the analysis centers on the contemporary geopolitical conflict context of current Venezuelan "Bolivarian" (bolivarianismo) policy. To accomplish this, a basic understanding of the political-historical context within which Venezuelan national security policy is generated is an essential first step toward understanding the situation as a whole. The second step requires an introductory understanding of Chavez's concept of 21st century socialism, and the political-psychological-military ways he envisions to achieve it. Then, a levels of analysis approach will provide a systematic understanding of the geopolitical conflict options that have a critical influence on the logic that determines how such a policy as bolivarianismo might continue to be implemented by Venezuela or any other country in the contemporary world security arena. At the same time, this analysis provides an understanding of how other countries in the Western Hemisphere and elsewhere might begin to respond to bolivarianismo's possible threats. Finally, this is the point from which one can generate strategic-level recommendations for maintaining and enhancing stability in Latin America. ; https://press.armywarcollege.edu/monographs/1732/thumbnail.jpg

Who is Hugo Chavez? How can the innumerable charges and countercharges between the Venezuelan and U.S. governments be interpreted? What are the implications for democracy and stability in Latin America? In an attempt to answer these and related questions, the analysis centers on the contemporary geopolitical conflict context of current Venezuelan "Bolivarian" (bolivarianismo) policy. To accomplish this, a basic understanding of the political-historical context within which Venezuelan national security policy is generated is an essential first step toward understanding the situation as a whole. The second step requires an introductory understanding of Chavez's concept of 21st century socialism, and the political-psychological-military ways he envisions to achieve it. Then, a levels of analysis approach will provide a systematic understanding of the geopolitical conflict options that have a critical influence on the logic that determines how such a policy as bolivarianismo might continue to be implemented by Venezuela or any other country in the contemporary world security arena. At the same time, this analysis provides an understanding of how other countries in the Western Hemisphere and elsewhere might begin to respond to bolivarianismo's possible threats. Finally, this is the point from which one can generate strategic-level recommendations for maintaining and enhancing stability in Latin America. ; "October 2005." ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 28-33). ; Who is Hugo Chavez? How can the innumerable charges and countercharges between the Venezuelan and U.S. governments be interpreted? What are the implications for democracy and stability in Latin America? In an attempt to answer these and related questions, the analysis centers on the contemporary geopolitical conflict context of current Venezuelan "Bolivarian" (bolivarianismo) policy. To accomplish this, a basic understanding of the political-historical context within which Venezuelan national security policy is generated is an essential first step toward understanding the situation as a whole. The second step requires an introductory understanding of Chavez's concept of 21st century socialism, and the political-psychological-military ways he envisions to achieve it. Then, a levels of analysis approach will provide a systematic understanding of the geopolitical conflict options that have a critical influence on the logic that determines how such a policy as bolivarianismo might continue to be implemented by Venezuela or any other country in the contemporary world security arena. At the same time, this analysis provides an understanding of how other countries in the Western Hemisphere and elsewhere might begin to respond to bolivarianismo's possible threats. Finally, this is the point from which one can generate strategic-level recommendations for maintaining and enhancing stability in Latin America. ; Mode of access: Internet.