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This article reviews a 2003 commentary to Carl Schmitt's concept of the political (multiple references). According to the author, Schmitt's death in 1985 made it possible for academics to review Schmitt's writings from a factual point of view, without paying as much attention as earlier to Schmitt's person & his views on National Socialism & Jews, among others. The cooperative commentary includes contributions from 15 authors, representing lawyers, philosophers, political scientists, & historians. Each author discusses one part of Schmitt's 1963 "The Concept of the Political" (multiple references). The author commends the commentary for demythologizing Schmitt's paper & positioning it in a contemporary historical & biographical context. References. A. Kallioinen

A travers un parcours critique de la production récente, la réflexion dégage certains thèmes majeurs qui préoccupent l'histoire agraire allemande pour la période contemporaine : le concept et les modalités de la modernisation agricole, les réformes agraires du XIXe siècle, les élites rurales de l'Allemagne orientale, la politique agricole du national-socialisme. Pour les traiter, les historiens allemands recourent à des angles d'approches complémentaires, à partir d'études macro et microéconomiques dans lesquelles les logiques familiales et le rôle des acteurs sociaux tiennent une place croissante. C'est dans cette perspective qu'on saisira avec plus d'acuité les facteurs de modernisation et de transformation de la société rurale.

Abstract. The Extreme Right in the Netherlands has always been relatively weak; there was neither a strong ideological right‐wing tradition nor a solid social base. Moreover, the Extreme Right has always been fragmented and divided. Historically, three varieties can be distinguished: theocratic Protestantism ('Very Old Right'), neo‐fascism or national socialism ('Old Right') and ethnocentric nationalism ('New Right'). The third variety, since 1984 represented by the Centre Democrats, has gained some ground in recent years. Though reliable data are still scarce, it seems plausible that the party has attracted not only ideologically motivated extremists but also 'protest voters', mainly in older urban working class areas.

A study of how cultural consciousness, including feelings of nationalism, are linked to the choice of Slovene & German languages in southern Carinthia, Austria, based on an examination of a variety of situations where different kinds of linguistic behavior occurred, distinguishing first between automatic & deliberate choice of language preference & secondly between political & nonpolitical motives. Frequent switches from one language to another in the same situation are described. Numerous situations are depicted in which the use of Slovene, dialectical Slovene, or German are variously used, motivated at times by political & at times by ethnic factors. A close relationship between "Sloveneness" & religion seems apparent, but a practical aspect may also exist. The ethnic consciousness of the individual Slovene is based on two closely bound foundations: the home & the church. Where both foundations are present, they reinforce each other. Where one is weak or nonexistent, the other is threatened. Most language choices in Carinthia, however, are clearly determined by political considerations. A few are not, particularly when religion is involved. The relevance of analysis of linguistic usage to the understanding of sociopolitical behavior is noted. 1 Figure. P. Grootman

A requisite for determining the nature of a political movement is identifying the segments of society which provide its base of support. In the case of German National Socialism, however, historians and political scientists have often neglected an empirical analysis of the social composition of the party membership, concentrating instead on its "program," its leadership, and its organization. From these aspects of Nazism, they have deduced that the movement must have had great appeal for certain dissatisfied groups in German society during the interwar period, and that those groups in fact made up the bulk of the party's rank-and-file members.

SummaryThis article sketches the background of the development of the "workerist myth" in the Soviet Union in the period 1924–1931. From 1924 onward workers were subjected to mounting pressure to increase productivity and tighten discipline, against the background of the great debate on how to transform the Soviet Union from an agrarian country into a country with a powerful industrial sector as rapidly as possible. Between 1928 and 1929 a vigorous antiworker campaign was launched in the Soviet Press, which in just a few months in the winter of 1929–1930 was transformed into a workerist campaign, glorifying the exemplary shock workers as "enthusiastic builders of socialism". This myth was used on the domestic as well as on the external front, and meant the ascent to power of the Stalinist elite and the definitive breakthrough of a "national socialism". It also marked the end of trade unionism as such.

This essay wants to introduce readers to one of Austria's most astute women writers of the immediate postwar period. Marlen Haushofer, in contrast to her contemporary Ingeborg Bachmann, has not (yet) gained international renown despite her literary craftsmanship. Looking at those works of her that most poignantly thematize the postwar reaction to the years of National Socialism and deal with the issues of guilt and responsibility, I focus on Haushofer's gendered perspective on the roles of victim, perpetrator, and bystander as played out in the seemingly apolitical microcosm of the family. The essay consists of an introductory discussion of the relevant political-historical context, a brief commentary on two thematically related short stories, and an analysis of the novella Wir töten Stella. In her scathing portrait of femininity in the patriarchal order of the fifties, Haushofer condemns women as accomplices in the perpetuation of corrupt structures and strategies of domination. She points to women's subordination and conspiracy of silence about evil-doing as powerful factors in the perpetuation of destruction. The metaphorical representation of Austrians' collective effort to forget their participation in Nazi crimes may be regarded as a gendered writing strategy allowing Haushofer to appear harmless and thus acceptable to her contemporaries.

This article examines the short section on race theory found in the entry on 'Man' published in the fourth volume of the Croatian Encyclopaedia (the so-called 'Ustaša' Encyclopaedia) in 1942 and written by the Slovenian-born Croatian biologist Boris Zarnik. Since Zarnik criticised the idea of racism, or what he also termed 'race theory', in this entry, a number of historians and other commentators have claimed that Zarnik, and even the Ustaša government, were theoretically opposed to National Socialist racism. But through a close examination of both his pre-war articles on racial anthropology and the ideas expressed in his entry on race theory, this article will highlight that Zarnik's position on race and racism was actually completely in line with the tenets of National Socialism.

The conference 'Revolution and Eternity – Fascism's Temporality' discussed the complex and meta-historical topic of 'time and temporality' with regards to the fascist experience of time, and ways of temporal thinking and acting with reference to German National Socialism, and fascism in Italy and Romania. The various papers examined specific national forms of fascism from the perspective of the concepts of political order and temporality (e.g. fascist interpretations of temporal dimensions – future, present and past). The conference revealed that the fascist view of time was based on specific (chrono)political practices (archaeology, filmmaking etc.) and that the inhumane politics of fascism were embedded in temporal paradigms that combined contradictory ideas of revolutionary acceleration with the eternal standstill of time.

The author describes major ultra-nationalist movements (fascism & national socialism) in contemporary Russia. These movements have arisen largely in response to the perceived failure of neoliberalist reforms since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Russia is a "torn country" that is undergoing political & economic Westernization -- an irreversible process that has brought severe economic problems & a declining standard of living for the majority. The new regime is described as a mixture of liberal democracy, authoritarianism, & capitalism. The author concludes that the shift from Russian communism to national patriotism is a key feature of modernization in post-Soviet Russia, & that the nation's current problems are similar to those caused by globalization & Westernization elsewhere. 1 Table, 34 References. J. R. Callahan

The ascension to power and twelve-year rule of National Socialism has had an enormous and continuing impact on the writing of German history. Since the early fifties, the leitmotiv of scholarship has been the search for the origins of Nazi successes in the peculiarities of Germany's or rather Prussia's history in the nineteenth century. Even with the emergence of social and economic history in the late sixties, the task of unearthing National Socialism's roots remained unchanged, although the tools altered and a more sophisticated strategy was adopted. A pervasive tendency developed to view all contemporary institutions as props of the authoritarian Prussian regime. Whereas pre–World War II scholarship glorified the Prussian past uncritically, the past two decades have witnessed across-the-board condemnation.