Suchergebnisse

In national elections the results tend to become more 'nationalized': a homogeneous party offer all over the territory, less variation in the results per constituency & more homogeneous electoral swings. This article investigates whether this nationalization can also be witnessed at local elections. It focuses on two indicators: the party offer & the voting behavior. The party offer is the presence of the national parties on the local ballot paper, while the voting behavior looks at patterns of homogeneity across the municipalities. The answer to the question of nationalization is mixed. The Flemish & Walloon local elections display the same long-term trend as the national elections, but they keep their own local character. The heterogeneity of the local party offer clearly demonstrates the local specificity of the local elections, & consequently the voting behavior also differs from the voting behavior at national elections. We also find that the local elections in Wallonia are less nationalized than in Flanders. Although the local character of the local elections remains important, the newer parties -- Ecolo & Groen! -- show until 2000 a clear trend towards nationalization. Especially the extreme right Vlaams Belang shows positive scores on all indicators of nationalization since its first local appearance in 1982. Tables, Figures. Adapted from the source document.

The development of a sense of national belonging is problematic in a sociopolitical environment where children are confronted with multiple national identities. Analysis of survey data obtained from a sample of 1,000 Flemish secondary school pupils, ages 17-18, reveals that most Flemish respondents hesitated between claiming a Flemish vs Belgian identity. It is suggested that this lack of a single evident fatherland results in an absence of genuine patriotism. Also, identification with the local community takes precedence over allegiance to the nation. The political socialization process apparently does not effect an emotional attachment to either the Flemish or the Belgian political system. 10 Tables, 3 Graphs. Modified HA

This article examines the impact of European integration on national policy in the field of migration. Member States have since the entry into force of the Treaty of Amsterdam (1999) power over immigration policy largely ceded to supranational institutions. The Governments of the Member States do not seem to give full account of this new situation. The same applies to the academic literature on the Europeanisation of migration policy which - still dominates the intergovernmental perspective - unlike in the wider EU study literature. This article focuses on the impact of the Family Reunification Directive of 2003 on policymaking in the Netherlands. And politics The Dutch case shows that the reality of migration policies in the EU are increasingly in conflict with intergovernmental assumptions and that it is high time that researchers of migration broaden their theoretical perspective. Adapted from the source document.

In the last twenty years, a lot has changed in the process of European integration. The direct competence of the EU in many areas continues to increase without doing them the way we've always done them. In other words, the European train is hurtling full speed ahead. Adapted from the source document.

Questions re whether politicians make deductions re the formal pol'al power constellation on the nat'l level from the approach or results of municipal elections are raised. Data from the elections in Belgium over the past 100 yrs are examined in this context. The elections of 1921, 1926, 1938, & 1958 had no influence on the nat'l power constellation. Since WWI not a single municipal election has led to changes within the nat'l gov. It is traditional in Belgian pol that the nat'l opposition, when the results of municipal elections are in its favor & prejudicial to the party in office (as in 1946, 1952, & 1964), tries to question the legitimacy of the gov by way of motions & appeals in parliament. Gov's have never given in to these attempts. The elections of 1857, 1884, & 1932 show an element of power in the dissolution of the then gov's. The gov'al crisis of 1884, however, can only be explained through the constitutional position of King Leopold II. The municipal elections of 1932 anticipated the legislative elections of that yr & served as an indicator of the electoral condition. But in view of the diff between nat'l & local positions, it was an unreliable indicator. Modified HA.

It is hypothesized that a subordinate position in the international goods & capital markets retards economic development. A model of relationships among trade dependency, stock of foreign capital, flow of foreign capital, state strength, level of economic dependency, & economic growth is formulated, & estimated for a sample of 94 nations. Multiple regression analysis identifies: a strong curvilinear relationship between level of economic development & economic growth; a positive effect of flow of foreign capital on economic growth; a negative effect of stock of foreign capital on economic growth; weak interaction effects of intensity of trade & structure of trade on economic growth; & no effect of state strength on economic growth. 2 Tables, 3 Appendixes, 60 References. Modified HA