The Hungarian Card exemplifies how to solve nationality and citizenship issues in the transforming international reality after the collapse of the Berlin Wall and the expansion of the European Union. Regardless of the dispute in Hungary, as well as among EU politicians, Hungarian law has emphasized the need to redefine the concept of the nation, or even to substitute the political sense of this concept with the status of state membership or citizenship. The Hungarian Card, how it was passed and then successively amended, evidences that a regional policy is actually operating in Central Europe. Additionally, this Hungarian law has accelerated work on similar regulations in other countries, including Poland.
The Hungarian Card exemplifies how to solve nationality and citizenship issues in the transforming international reality after the collapse of the Berlin Wall and the expansion of the European Union. Regardless of the dispute in Hungary, as well as among EU politicians, Hungarian law has emphasized the need to redefine the concept of the nation, or even to substitute the political sense of this concept with the status of state membership or citizenship. The Hungarian Card, how it was passed and then successively amended, evidences that a regional policy is actually operating in Central Europe. Additionally, this Hungarian law has accelerated work on similar regulations in other countries, including Poland. ; The Hungarian Card exemplifies how to solve nationality and citizenship issues in the transforming international reality after the collapse of the Berlin Wall and the expansion of the European Union. Regardless of the dispute in Hungary, as well as among EU politicians, Hungarian law has emphasized the need to redefine the concept of the nation, or even to substitute the political sense of this concept with the status of state membership or citizenship. The Hungarian Card, how it was passed and then successively amended, evidences that a regional policy is actually operating in Central Europe. Additionally, this Hungarian law has accelerated work on similar regulations in other countries, including Poland.
The aim of the article was the analysis of electoral characteristics of the Sub-Carpathian Voivodeship, as well as varied political preferences of citizens, with special consideration of years 1989–2015. The basis for presenting the considerations were the election results to Sejm, as well as the results of elections to the European Parliament, by means of which it was possible to indicate recurring cyclicality of right-wing political support of the citizens of that area. High election turnout in Sub-Carpathia in comparison the nation-wide turnout was also included in the analysis. The most important part of the discussion was the answer to the question of what factors determined changes in political support of the Sub-Carpathian Voivodeship citizens and whether the contemporary political activity of the entities participating in political competition reflects historical and cultural conditioning of the partitions of Poland. ; Celem artykułu była analiza wyborczej specyfiki województwa podkarpackiego, a także zróżnicowanych preferencji politycznych mieszkańców ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem lat 1989–2015. Podstawę do zaprezentowania rozważań stanowiły wyniki wyborów do Sejmu, a także wyniki elekcji do Parlamentu Europejskiego, za pomocą których można było wskazać powtarzającą się cykliczność prawicowych sympatii politycznych mieszkańców tego obszaru. Analizie poddano również wysoką frekwencję wyborczą na Podkarpaciu w porównaniu z frekwencją ogólnokrajową. Najważniejszą częścią przeprowadzonych rozważań była odpowiedź na pytanie o to, jakie czynniki determinowały zmianę sympatii politycznych mieszkańców województwa podkarpackiego oraz czy współczesna aktywność wyborcza podmiotów uczestniczących w rywalizacji politycznej odzwierciedlała historyczne i kulturowe uwarunkowania historycznych podziałów Polski z okresu zaborów.
The article addresses selected issues that constitute the main areas of Polish-Romanian relations in the 21st century in the political dimension and in the broad sense of security. Relations between Poland and Romania have been characterized in the context of the membership of both countries in the European Union. Particular emphasis was placed on the period of the Romanian Presidency, which lasted from January to the end of June 2019. The article indicates the most important common interests of our countries, the ways of their implementation, as well as potential opportunities for the development of bilateral and multilateral cooperation. The article also takes into account the key challenges that Poland and Romania must meet in connection with EU membership.
The goal of the article is to present a theoretical and practical evaluation of experience of apolitical civil servants working in committee-style preparatory bodies of the Council of the European Union and the European Commission. In the first part the hypotheses resulting from three theories of integration of different range (liberal intergovernmentalism, fusion theory, and deliberative supranationalism) are presented. The second part consists of the verification of those hypotheses, based on an empirical study conducted by the Author in 2013 in the period between January and June. The survey included Polish officials attending the meetings of committees and was followed by interviews.The thesis of the article is based on the assumption that the majority of decisions of the Council and the Commission are actually made in apolitical preparatory bodies. Both "bargaining" and "problem solving" attitudes, representing both political and apolitical models of EU decision making, are present at this level. Theoretically, the most appropriate attitude is the combination of the liberal intergovernmentalism, the fusion theory, and the deliberative supranationalism. Those approaches can serve as general theories of integration and can be used to explain other elements of EU functioning.
The goal of the article is to present a theoretical and practical evaluation of experience of apolitical civil servants working in committee-style preparatory bodies of the Council of the European Union and the European Commission. In the first part the hypotheses resulting from three theories of integration of different range (liberal intergovernmentalism, fusion theory, and deliberative supranationalism) are presented. The second part consists of the verification of those hypotheses, based on an empirical study conducted by the Author in 2013 in the period between January and June. The survey included Polish officials attending the meetings of committees and was followed by interviews.The thesis of the article is based on the assumption that the majority of decisions of the Council and the Commission are actually made in apolitical preparatory bodies. Both "bargaining" and "problem solving" attitudes, representing both political and apolitical models of EU decision making, are present at this level. Theoretically, the most appropriate attitude is the combination of the liberal intergovernmentalism, the fusion theory, and the deliberative supranationalism. Those approaches can serve as general theories of integration and can be used to explain other elements of EU functioning.
This paper is a comparative analysis of the characteristic and most important trends in the development of political systems in Poland and Ukraine. It concerns the major issues pertaining to the post-soviet neo-patrimonial system, the structuring of political and economic processes, and the zone of genuine political struggle. The paper also indicates the major tendencies in the development of the political system in Ukraine. ; This paper is a comparative analysis of the characteristic and most important trends in the development of political systems in Poland and Ukraine. It concerns the major issues pertaining to the post-soviet neo-patrimonial system, the structuring of political and economic processes, and the zone of genuine political struggle. The paper also indicates the major tendencies in the development of the political system in Ukraine.
The victory of the National Front Party led by Ms. Marine le Pen within the European Parliamentary Election in France by May 2014 raised the question whether or not it signals the end of the French left-right bipolarized party system. This option remains uncertain. The far-right party of the 45-year-old daughter of National Front founder, Jean-Marie Le Pen, gained new voters, deepening the national audience of the extremist party geographically and in the different categories of the population. But the still remaining French "presidentialist" constitutional political regime continues to operate under a strong constraint in favor of bipolarization. Meanwhile, the possible presence of Ms. Le Pen as the two-qualified opponent for the second round of the presidential election is currently determining, and will continue to determine for the next two years, the political strategies of the 2017 future running candidates and parties.
The victory of the National Front Party led by Ms. Marine le Pen within the European Parliamentary Election in France by May 2014 raised the question whether or not it signals the end of the French left-right bipolarized party system. This option remains uncertain. The far-right party of the 45-year-old daughter of National Front founder, Jean-Marie Le Pen, gained new voters, deepening the national audience of the extremist party geographically and in the different categories of the population. But the still remaining French "presidentialist" constitutional political regime continues to operate under a strong constraint in favor of bipolarization. Meanwhile, the possible presence of Ms. Le Pen as the two-qualified opponent for the second round of the presidential election is currently determining, and will continue to determine for the next two years, the political strategies of the 2017 future running candidates and parties.
The aim of the research is to explore various forms of participation of the EU Member States Parliaments in the political processes of the European Union. The assessment of the intensity of the analyzed participation will be made by applying the concept of classification of the distinguished participation, which includes passive and active participation. This study has a significant impact in the context of participation of citizens, whose direct representatives are elected members of the national Parliaments (NP). The article verifies the hypothesis that the variety of forms of participation of NP in the political processes in the EU strengthens the democratic legitimacy by increasing transparency and accountability of the EU institutions and by improving cross-level communication lines between the EU institutions and national authorities. Active forms of participation increase influence of NP on the EU political processes. However, a wide range of informal participation increases the effectiveness of supranational decision-making processes, in particular, reducing the technocratic nature of the decisions.
The aim of the research is to explore various forms of participation of the EU Member States Parliaments in the political processes of the European Union. The assessment of the intensity of the analyzed participation will be made by applying the concept of classification of the distinguished participation, which includes passive and active participation. This study has a significant impact in the context of participation of citizens, whose direct representatives are elected members of the national Parliaments (NP). The article verifies the hypothesis that the variety of forms of participation of NP in the political processes in the EU strengthens the democratic legitimacy by increasing transparency and accountability of the EU institutions and by improving cross-level communication lines between the EU institutions and national authorities. Active forms of participation increase influence of NP on the EU political processes. However, a wide range of informal participation increases the effectiveness of supranational decision-making processes, in particular, reducing the technocratic nature of the decisions.
Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie genezy, historii, struktury i funkcji Gwardii Narodowej Stanów Zjednoczonych, i jej znaczenia w strukturze komponentów rezerwowych Sił Zbrojnych Stanów Zjednoczonych oraz dla całego systemu militarnego państwa – na poziomie federalnym, stanowym i lokalnym. Gwardia Narodowa buduje swoją tożsamość odwołując się do tradycji milicji kolonialnych, zbrojnych oddziałów oddolnie organizowanych przez kolonistów na terenie pierwszych trzynastu kolonii brytyjskich przed ogłoszeniem Deklaracji Niepodległości w celu utrzymania pokoju wewnątrz osad, jak również odparcia zagrożeń zewnętrznych. Dualny charakter Gwardii Narodowej jest konsekwencją dwóch przeciwstawnych procesów: oddolnej inicjatywy obywateli oraz ambicji kontrolnych rządu federalnego. Dualny, stanowo-federalny charakter Gwardii Narodowej wynika z zapisu ustawy z 1933 roku – National Guard Mobilization Act, wprowadzającym zasadę podwójnej przynależności: wszyscy żołnierze finansowani z funduszy federalnych mieli znajdować się zarówno na listach Gwardii Narodowej danego stanu, jak i Gwardii Narodowej Stanów Zjednoczonych. Dualizm amerykańskiej Gwardii Narodowej uwidacznia się w jej funkcjach i działaniach, sporach kompetencyjnych, ocenach społecznych oraz sposobach wykorzystania tej formacji przez polityków, nie zawsze akceptowanych przez większość społeczeństwa. Ma on również wpływ na kształtowanie własnej tożsamości przez członków Gwardii Narodowej i na ewolucję jej społecznego statusu, zależną od przemian rozumienia idei patriotyzmu. ; This article is aimed at the presentation of the origins, structure and functions, as well as the dynamics of the United States National Guard as an element of the reserve components of the United States Armed Forces, a vital part of the country's military system on all levels: federal, state and local. The National Guard's identity can be traced back to the traditions of the colonial militia, i.e. locally organized armed units of colonists, established in the first thirteen colonies prior to the adoption of the Declaration of Independence to keep peace within the settlements and to protect them from the outside threats. The dual character of the National Guard stems from two opposite processes: the grassroots initiative of the citizens and the controlling urges of the federal government. The dual, state-federal nature of the National Guard is a consequence of the 1933 National Guard Mobilization Act which introduced the rule of double belonging: the soldiers financed from federal funds were to be signed up both on the National Guard lists of a given state as well as the lists of the United States National Guard. The dual nature of the National Guard is apparent in its functions and actions, in the competence disputes, social opinions and the various political modes of use, not always condoned by the nation's majority. It also affects the National Guard members' identity as well as the evolution of the formation's social status, dependent on the perception of the ever-changing idea of patriotism.
Podlasie has long been the place where cultures and politics met: Latin-Polish and Byzantine-Russian. The result of co-existence of Catholicism and Orthodox Church in this area was inter alia the Church Union. In the 19th century, tsarist Russia, with its political expansion, sought to arouse the Great-Russian national spirit. In contrast, the centuries-old strong traditions of the influence of Polish and Latin culture were conducive to the development of Polish national consciousness. The clash between Polish and Russian influences hindered or marginalized the initiatives for the development of Belarusian or Ukrainian national consciousness both in northern and southern Podlasie. ; Artykuł nie zawiera streszczenia w języku polskim ; Podlasie has long been the place where cultures and politics met: Latin-Polish and Byzantine-Russian. The result of co-existence of Catholicism and Orthodox Church in this area was inter alia the Church Union. In the 19th century, tsarist Russia, with its political expansion, sought to arouse the Great-Russian national spirit. In contrast, the centuries-old strong traditions of the influence of Polish and Latin culture were conducive to the development of Polish national consciousness. The clash between Polish and Russian influences hindered or marginalized the initiatives for the development of Belarusian or Ukrainian national consciousness both in northern and southern Podlasie.
Autor artykuły dowodzi szkodliwości podporządkowania specyficznemu programowi polityki wewnętrznej interesów Polski w stosunkach zewnętrznych.Polityka wewnętrzna rządy PiS polega na budowie państwa autorytarnego na fundamencie ideowym nacjonalizmu i populizmu. Doprowadziło to nieuchronnie do konfliktu Polski z jej europejskim otoczeniem, tzn. przede wszystkim z UE i jej głównymi państwami. Unia Europejska oraz Rada Europy mają obowiązek oraz instrumenty reagowania w sytuacjach zagrożenia dla demokracji w państwach członkowskich. Efektem tego konfliktu jest postępująca marginalizacja Polski w łonie Unii. Utrata pozycji w UE nie mogła być zrekompensowana budową Międzymorza, ponieważ ta idea jest od początku pozbawiona realizmu. Doszło także do pogorszenia relacji z USA ponieważ administracja B. Obamy jest uwrażliwiona na regres demokracji w Polsce, szczególnie gdy polega to na faktycznej eliminacji ustrojowej pozycji Trybunału Konstytucyjnego. Obóz rządzący nie posiada również pozytywnej wizji stosunków z Europą Wschodnią. W sumie, jesteśmy świadkami szybkiego pogarszania się pozycji międzynarodowej Polski ze szkodą dla zdolności do realizacji jej interesów, ze szkodą dla racji stanu. ; The author of this paper proves the damaging effects of subjugating Poland's interests in external relations to a specific programme of domestic policy. The domestic policy of the Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice) government is to build an authoritarian state on the foundation of nationalism and populism. The conduct of this policy has led to an unavoidable conflict between Poland and its European neighbours. The European Union and the Council of Europe have obligations and the means to react in situations when democracy in the Member States is threatened. The effect of this conflict is the progressive marginalisation of Poland in the EU. The loss of the position within the EU cannot be compensated for by creating an Intermarium because this idea has been unrealistic since conception. The relationships between Poland and the US worsened when Obama's administration became sensitised to the setbacks in democracy in Poland, especially since they meant the virtual elimination of the political position of the Constitutional Tribunal. The ruling bloc does not have a positive vision either of relationships with Eastern Europe. All in all, we are witnessing a rapid deterioration in Poland's international position to the detriment of its ability to pursue its goals and its national interests.
Monograph of Alina Grynia (PhD) "International Competitiveness of the Lithuanian Economy upon Accession to the European Union. Achievements and Postulate Directions for Change "is a comprehensive and in-depth study of a rather complex and complex topic [international competitiveness]. The approach presented is inherently interdisciplinary. The book's value is not only that it is a new look at the theory of international competitiveness, but it is equally important that it describes the modern economy of Lithuania in a new way. The aim of the work was to develop a theoretical model of the process of sustainable competitiveness of the country's economy and to perform empirical analysis of changes in the country's economic potential and changes in Lithuania's competitive position after the EU accession
