The article aims at investigating the nexus between the land-locked condition and the energy security needs of a hydrocarbons-exporting country. Addressing the bilateral relations between Azerbaijan and Georgia, the article looks at the dynamics of dependence naturally unfolding between a land-locked country and its main transit one. Introducing the elements which may provide the land-locked country with a sounder bargaining power vis a vis its transit country, the article will focus on the tools exploited by Baku in order to reduce the asymmetry of power ensured to Georgia by its role of 'window to the West' for Azerbaijani national hydrocarbons. Findings suggest that the Oil & Gas sector provides land-locked country with effective tools enabling it to downgrade the vulnerability vis a vis transit country and to foster functional interdependence with the latter.
This article has two objectives. In the first place, it intends to show how the construction of the biomedical public discourse, shaped by the vision of virologists, doctors and epidemiologists, has become part of a broader governance device aimed at a radical restructuring of the social and productive relationships underlying our forms of life. Our central assumption intends to start from here: through a metaphor borrowed from urban geography studies we want to argue that both the Covid-19 epidemic and thepolitical management of the health emergency state are accelerating and favouring what can be called a further process of social, economic and racial gentrification of humanity. Secondly, the article intends to make a critique of the medical gaze starting from an analysis of the pandemic as a «total social fact». Attention will therefore be focused on the unequal material effects produced on the different segments of the population, not only by the social spread of the pandemic, but also by its purely medical management-codification. Particular attention will be paid here to the experience of the migrant population in Italy. The article therefore intends to highlight how the management and political governance of the pandemic in Italy do nothing but show, in other dimensions, the structural and institutional racism at the basis of what can be called «national social formation». ; Cet article a deux objectifs. En premier lieu, il entend montrer comment la construction du discours public biomédical, façonné par la vision des virologues, médecins et épidémiologistes, s'est inscrite dans un dispositif de gouvernance plus large visant une restructuration radicale des relations sociales et productives sous-jacentes à notre formes de vie. Notre principal clé de interrogation entend partir d'ici: à travers une métaphore empruntée aux études de géographie urbaine, nous voulons affirmer que l'épidémie de Covid -19 et la gestion politique de l'urgence sanitaire s'accélèrent et favorisent ce que l'on peut appeler un nouveau processus de gentrification sociale, économique et raciale de l'humanité. En second lieu, l'article entend mener une critique de la perspective médicale à partir d'une analyse de la pandémie comme « fait social total ». L'attention sera donc focalisée sur les effets matériels inégaux produits dans les différents segments de la population, non seulement par la propagation sociale de la pandémie, mais aussi par sa gestion -codification purement médicale. Une attention particu-lière sera accordée ici à l'expérience de la population migrante en Italie. L'article entend donc souligner comment la gestion et la gouvernance politique de la pandémie en Italie ne font que montrer, dans d'autres dimensions, le racisme structurel et institutionnel à la base de ce que l'on peut appeler la « formation sociale nationale ». ; Il brutale arresto della normale vita sociale imposto dalla vertiginosa diffusione globale del Covid, così come dai diversi e ambivalenti tentativi di controllo, gestione e contenimento del virus messi in pratica sia dagli stati-nazione sia dalle istituzioni globali, hanno avuto l'effetto di liberare dall'immaginario corrente i nostri interrogativi non solo sul presente, ma anche sul passato e sul futuro. Si può dire che la violenza della pandemia abbia strappato il velo del reale. Da una parte la congiuntura pandemica è un chiaro sintomo dell'insostenibilità sociale, economica, psico-ontologica ed eco-ambientale delle logiche di produzione e di accumulazione dell'attuale razionalità capitalistica globale, occorrerebbe prenderne atto; dall'altra, la stessa gestione politica del Covid, inesorabilmente investita dalla costituzione materiale e simbolica neoliberale dominante, ci sta già prefigurando, nei suoi modi di governare la crisi, ciò cui stiamo andando incontro: non una semplice restaurazione della norma pre-pandemia, bensì una sua formidabile accelerazione, un approfondimento radicale e, ci verrebbe da dire, purtroppo mortifero di buona parte dei suoi più insostenibili e distopici squilibri. Tra le molte considerazioni emerse, in modo quasi sincronico, durante il primo scoppio dello shock pandemico, Franco Berardi "Bifo" ci offre sicuramente una tra le più acute:
In this brief intervention it is submitted that the emergency measures against COVID-19, adopted by the Hungarian Government, infringe the rule of law under the European Convention of Human Rights. First of all, these measures appear to be discriminatory, according to art. 1 of the Convention, insofar as they expressly aim at protecting only Hungarian citizens. Furthermore, they are not "necessary" under article 15, given that they extend to the « legal security and the stability of the national economy ». Thirdly, the measures at stake cannot be deemed proportionate (under art. 15), to the extent that : (a) they are not limited in time ; (b) they provide the government with the power to extend the state of emergency ; (c) they do not provide that parliamentary sittings may be held online. Finally, the very weak reactions of both the EU organs and the member Stats of the Council of Europe are critically highlighted.
This juridic inquiry aim at definition of model of penal responsibility (or para-penal) for corporation, trough a theoretical analyse of corporation's personality nature. I have developed a responsibility model, with the purpose of combining the theoretical coherence with an adequate generalization degree, for launch of harmonized rules to this matter in the EU. This purpose has run into certains difficulties, in particular it needed to: 1) converge criminologies reasons with contemporaries concepts concerning risk, precaution's and prevention's principles; 2) face the problem of State's legal person and his members responsibility; 3) to exceed deeps differences among nationals pragmatic systems and nationals systems most keen to doctrinal elaborations. In order to face this problems, i have operated a theoretical analyse of legals person's responsibility, for a better definition of aim of the research (Cap. I). Forwards(Cap. II) i have ahead in a construction of a legal person's model responsibility for the European Union, with a particular attention for a comparative analyse (Cap. III) of the systems assumed in certains europeans nations (Italian and France systems). The end result of this system is oriented to corporates responsibilities that, after the mass transfer of general interest from public service to privates services, corporates have to attend to relatives guarantees. Established the increase of social's insecurity level, i have produce a subjectif model of corporation's organisation incorporated to an engagement of security position, that exceed the traditional criterions of culpability.
Democracy promotion – or democracy assistance – has always represented a fil rouge in U.S. foreign policy. At least since the beginning of the 20th century, the United States has used such issue in its global and regional agenda. Despite during the Cold War the quest for national and international security in a bipolar world system restricted the role of democracy promotion as an autonomous feature in US foreign policy, since the '90s the promotion of democracy has been growing steadily. In fact, democracy promotion became a distinguishing feature in both the "Clinton doctrine" and George W. Bush's foreign policy after the 9\11 attacks. Although, under Obama, US democracy promotion has experienced a consistent re-orientation, it has not disappeared from the US global agenda. This article aims to show the evolution of US democracy promotion, in particular from the Cold War bipolar world to the multipolar system of the 21th century: from both a theoretical and practical perspective, democracy promotion has gone through different phases and evolutions but it is still vividly alive within US foreign policy.
Syria is an agricultural developing country, characterized by semi-arid climate and high population growth rate, facing challenges related to mainly agriculture sector and food insecurity. The resolution of the latter is one of the Millennium Development Goal, which can be explicated by the goal to "eradicate extreme poverty and hunger". Within such a framework the present thesis is devoted to study the food security situation in Syria and the peculiar factors affecting the income of the poor household. In specific, the work investigates food security situation and explores the agricultural risks by studying their main types, current strategies, public management policies and the future possible improvements for risk management. A variety of analytical approaches have been used since the main methodologies for carrying out the research depending essentially on quantitative as qualitative analyses. As preliminary analysis, secondary data were used to investigate the food security situation, while secondary data on farm semi-structured survey and an ad hoc Delphi method survey have been implemented to examine the agricultural risks and risk management strategies. The food security situation seems very similar to that of other Middle Eastern countries like Jordan and Lebanon. Food aggregate and per capita availability have an acceptable level which is also applied to food accessibility and supply stability. In contrast, food utilization exhibits low level compared to other countries, and lies under the world average in some cases e.g. for many vitamins intake. Therefore, The Government of Syria (GOS) should fill in the gap of food deficiencies both by developing the agricultural products and introducing reforms to the trade sector especially those related to importing/exporting food stuff. The agricultural risks in Syria are related mainly to production, price and policy change risks. The mentioned risks are quite different both in type and intensity according to the different zones (Farming Systems). The yield risks result mostly from the increasing incidence of drought, frost, storm, flood and diseases, while price risks are related largely to the marketing constraints of the freely marketed crops (e.g. citrus, fruits and vegetables). Policy change risks (e.g. changes in macroeconomic policies or input/output prices) affect mainly the strategic crops (cotton, wheat and sugar beet) that are marketed by the state. Finally, idiosyncratic risks (individual or personal) seem not very relevant, on average, at the national level. Agricultural risk management policies and strategies are also different according to Syrian zones. In general, diversification of income sources and cultivated crops are the main strategies adopted by farmers, while adopting a risk sharing strategy like "agricultural insurance" is still unfavorable one. Finally, GOS institutions contribute to agricultural risk management by several means like the agricultural supporting policies including the agricultural disasters relief. However, much effort must be done by GOS to manage the agricultural risks including the establishment of agricultural insurance framework.
Questo saggio evidenzia le contraddizioni emergenti in fase di applicazione delle norme del «Codice Frontiere Schengen» che, in caso di «minaccia grave per l'ordine pubblico o la sicurezza interna» nello spazio europeo senza frontiere, consentono il ripristino generalizzato dei controlli in fase di attraversamento dei confini interni. In assenza di una politica europea comune in materia di condizioni sostanziali di ingresso e soggiorno dello straniero extra-comunitario, tali norme, concepite come deroghe eccezionali alla libertà di circolazione, sono infatti "piegate" da alcuni Stati all'assolvimento di compiti "ordinari" di contenimento della pressione migratoria. L'impiego di misure restrittive della libertà di circolazione a fini di governo dei flussi migratori mette così a rischio la tenuta dei principi costitutivi dello Spazio europeo di libertà, sicurezza e giustizia ed evidenzia l'irrinunciabilità di una disciplina comune della condizione dello straniero extra-comunitario quale corollario della libertà di circolazione dei cittadini europei. ; This article focuses on the inconsistencies arising from the implementation of the revised rules of the "Schengen Borders Code" providing for the reinstatement of internal border controls in case of serious threat to public order or internal security of a Member State. These rules were originally conceived as an exception to freedom of movement for individuals and goods in the EU area. Nevertheless, due to the absence of a common European policy regarding non-EU nationals, they are currently used by some Member States as if they were "ordinary" rules aimed at contrasting migration processes. Restrictions on freedom of movement aiming at restraining migratory flows threaten the strength of the constitutional principles of the Schengen Area. Moreover, they reveal the necessity to agree upon common rules and regulations on the condition of non-EU nationals, which are fundamental to the freedom of movement of EU citizens.
The recent return operation of 100 Sudanese citizens conducted by Belgium seems to remind a similar operation conducted by Italian Police in August 2016, when 40 migrants were forcibly repatriated to Sudan. Unlike the Belgian case, the Italian repatriation could be reconnected to the legal framework of a specific repatriation agreement: the "Memorandum of understanding between the Italian Public Security Department and the Sudanese National Police". The aim of this research is to analyse the compatibility of the MoU with the Italian ordinary and Constitutional Law. In fact, even though the Italian head of Police introduced it as a mere administrative act, this MoU can be considered a full-fledged international agreement. Furthermore, the MoU introduced a specific derogation from the Italian immigration Law for the repatriation of Sudanese citizens. Therefore, it should have respected the procedure provided by the Italian Constitution (Articles 80 and 87), i.e. it should have been approved by the Parliament, ratified by the President of the Republic and published in the Official Journal. This (non)agreement, simplifying and accelerating as much as possible the return operations, well represents the Italian and European policy on immigration, which aims to implement rapid and popular measures but at the expenses of the respect for Human Rights of migrants.
The empirical research discussed in this thesis is aimed at investigating the establishment and implementation of the Italian DNA databank arranged on the base of the Prüm treaty and set up with the law n.85 of 30th June 2009. This archive of criminal DNA profiles operates as part of a broader set of tools for the regulation and the government of phenomena and situations that at some point have been presented as a problem and defined as a threat. The implementation of this "instrument" has been taken into account as an exemplary moment of the production of a larger dispositif of securitization and has been contextualised within a broader process of constitution, development and integration of national databases in the European framework of police and judicial cross-border cooperation. At a more general level the inquiry deals with classifications that define certain "kinds of people" (the criminal, the recidivist, the suspect). Special attention has been devoted to the scientific knowledge that support and justifies them, to the political discourses that makes theme effective and to the technical instruments they use, particularly that peculiar kind of tools represented by genetic and biometrics databases used for personal identification in criminal investigations, and in the management of public security and borders in EU.
The focus of this dissertation is the relationship between the necessity for protection and the construction of cultural identities. In particular, by cultural identities I mean the representation and construction of communities: national communities, religious communities or local communities. By protection I mean the need for individuals and groups to be reassured about dangers and risks. From an anthropological point of view, the relationship between the need for protection and the formation and construction of collective identities is driven by the defensive function of culture. This was recognized explicitly by Claude Lévi-Strauss and Jurij Lotman. To explore the "protective hypothesis," it was especially useful to compare the immunitarian paradigm, proposed by Roberto Esposito, with a semiotic approach to the problem. According to Esposito, immunity traces borders, dividing Community from what should be kept outside: the enemies, dangers and chaos, and, in general, whatever is perceived to be a threat to collective and individual life. I recognized two dimensions in the concept of immunity. The first is the logic dimension: every element of a system makes sense because of the network of differential relations in which it is inscribed; the second dimension is the social praxis of division and definition of who. We are (or what is inside the border), and who They are (or what is, and must be kept, outside the border). I tested my hypothesis by analyzing two subject areas in particular: first, the security practices in London after 9/11 and 7/7; and, second, the Spiritual Guide of 9/11 suicide bombers. In both cases, one observes the construction of two entities: We and They. The difference between the two cases is their "model of the world": in the London case, one finds the political paradigms of security as Sovereignty, Governamentality and Biopolitics. In the Spiritual Guide, one observes a religious model of the Community of God confronting the Community of Evil. From a semiotic point view, the problem is the origin of respective values, the origin of respective moral universes, and the construction of authority. In both cases, I found that emotional dynamics are crucial in the process of forming collective identities and in the process of motivating the involved subjects: specifically, the role of fear and terror is the primary factor, and represents the principal focus of my research.
This paper deals with the determinants of new furn formation in the business servicesin Italy during the second half of the 19805. For this purpose we use the data base made recentlyavailable by the National Instimte of Social Security, which provides information on both newly andalready established firms with at least one employee. Two birth rates are computed and analysed forthe 95 Italian provinces: the first one is an index of fertility represented by the share of newenterprises on employees, the second one is a typical birth rate represented for each province by theratio between new enterprises and resident population. Looking at the determinants of this process, we found that the average wage rates affect negatively the index of fertility, and that the potentialdemand for new business services affects positively the birth rate. The index of fertility is alsoexplained by a dummy variable which identifies for each province those policies which are aimed atfostering the process of new furn formation. The birth rate is instead affected by a dummy variablewhich is equal to one for the provinces where are located the chief towns of each region (which areassumed to "attract" the most innovative among the new Gums) and zero otherwise. Finally, bothindexes are affected positively by the sector growth and by an index of small flrm presence andnegatively by the ratio of utilized credit to the total line of credit.
My PhD thesis focuses on the role urban planning can play in the management of diversity in the city. In European countries, migration policies have failed to create a common and shared space to deal with the numerous questions raised by the so called "migration crisis" creating informal, legal, passive or active boundaries for foreigners. However, even when absent at the level of government we can nevertheless observe informal practices that are put in place by migrants to give an answer to their immediate needs and that can be used as a magnifying glass of more deeply rooted socio-political needs. I argue that these dynamics can be observed in same particular space as multiethnic markets in the city where informal practices could be looked as clues in order to suggest new policies. Urban planning has a crucial role to play in these policies, enhancing the creation of new forms of 'living the city' and a renewed form of urban citizenship can represent a pivotal point to commit urban planning in the quest for spatial and social justice (Sandercook, 1996). Notions of formal citizenship have changed within the context of contemporary massive urban migration (Penninx et al., 2004).The search for new models of integration has been the priority of States concerned by both the problem of the second generation without legal rights, and new incoming groups. Better integration of migrant groups and guarantees of security have been the leitmotiv in the European political discourses in this search. However, the gap between the policies defined at the national level and the implemented policies on the ground increased, because local experiences do not resonate with the abstract frame of the national policy directives. This gap leads to a further growing apart of formal and informal practices of citizenship. Usually these conflicts show themselves in sensitive urban space like squares, ethnic streets or suburbs. However, before their final outbreaks, these conflicts are informal and can be observed in shared and everyday ...
Sommario: 1. Il contrasto alla povertà: alle radici del diritto del lavoro. 2. La laboriosità come antidoto alla povertà nel diritto del lavoro repubblicano. 3. I diritti di chi è senza lavoro: ammortizzatori sociali e servizi per l'impiego contro la povertà. 4. Dalla laboriosità alla cittadinanza: la lunga marcia dell'assistenza sociale contro la povertà. 5. Le sfide del nuovo millennio e l'impatto della pandemia: la povertà dentro e fuori il lavoro. 6. La lotta alla povertà oltre la pandemia: la centralità del lavoro. ; The article, by leveraging the constitutional interpretation, identifies Labour Law, understood in the broad meaning which comprises Social Security Law, as the main tool of the legal order aimed at overcoming poverty and upholding human dignity. After having briefly outlined the historical evolution of the discipline and pointed out the aspects which mainly contribute to fight poverty, in the labour market and in the labour relationship, the author focuses upon the most recent challenges, which bring about new forms of poverty: deregulation, digital transformation of the economy, and now, pandemic. In the last paragraph the author conducts a critical assessment of the legislative initiatives in progress, comprising those laid down in the National Recovery and Resilience Plan, and presents his own suggestions for a revision of Labour Law which is able to strengthen its effectivenes in contrasting old and new forms of poverty, by keeping the centrality of work, understood as a right and a duty of every citizen, placed at the core of the republican pact.
Abstract Negli ultimi anni, il campo della tecnologia dell'informazione ha ricoperto sempre di più un ruolo maggioritario. I progressi nel settore hanno suscitato l'interesse nei confronti del cyberspace, attualmente un nuovo dominio della conflittualità. Infatti, l'incremento di attacchi informatici, soprattutto nelle operazioni belliche, ha alimentato la preoccupazione delle principali potenze mondiali nazionali che a causa dell'assenza di conoscenze dettagliate nel campo non dispongono di risorse adeguate. A differenza di altri scritti accademici, questo elaborato affronta un'analisi completa dei documenti primari e della letteratura inerente. Fornisce una panoramica generale, tramite un excursus storico, delle questioni sollevate a carattere giuridico; inoltre indaga se e in che modo le norme del diritto internazionale si applicano alle operazioni dello spazio cibernetico. Partendo dalla definizione di cyberspace si pone il problema di delineare una disciplina giuridica analizzando in un primo momento le vulnerabilità che tale settore comporta, le minacce alla sicurezza informatica con le relative contro minacce, le potenziali armi cibernetiche e i principali eventi internazionali. Vengono prese in esame le operazioni informatiche relative allo Jus ad bellum e Jus in bello: in particolare i tradizionali concetti di "uso della forza", "legittima difesa" e "conflitto armato". Si prosegue con l'analisi della possibile applicazione dei principi del diritto internazionale umanitario evidenziandone tuttavia i suddetti limiti, e da ultimo, si descrivono le cyber strategies delle grandi potenze internazionali, dell'Unione Europea e dell'Italia con particolare riguardo alla Direttiva NIS e al recente Perimetro di Sicurezza Nazionale Cibernetica del DPCM 131/2020. Se da una parte, quindi, l'elaborato attesta l'ubiquità del dominio cibernetico e il suo crescente utilizzo a scopi politici e militari costituendo una tangibile minaccia per la sicurezza internazionale, dall'altra mostra la necessità impellente di un accordo tra gli Stati ai fini di tutelarsi maggiormente sul governo del cyberspazio. In recent years, the field of information technology has increasingly played a major role. Progresses in the sector have sparked interest in cyberspace, currently a new domain of warfare. In fact, the increase in cyber-attacks, especially in war operations, has nourished the concern of the main national world powers who, due to the lack of in-depth knowledge in the field, do not have adequate resources. Unlike other academic writings, this paper deals with a comprehensive analysis of primary documents and inherent literature. It provides a general overview through an historical excursus of the legal matters raised and investigates whether and how the rules of international law apply to cyberspace operations. Starting from the definition of cyberspace, the problem is mainly on defining a legal discipline by analyzing the vulnerabilities that this sector entails, the threats to cybersecurity with the relative counter threats, the potential cyber weapons, and the main international events. We continue with the analysis of the IT operations in connection to the Jus ad Bellum and Jus in Bello principles through the study of the traditional concepts of "use of force", "self-defense" and "armed conflict". Then, we lead to the analysis of the possible application of the principles of international humanitarian law, by also highlighting its limits, and we conclude with a close look into the cyber strategies of the main international powers, the European Union and the case of Italy, taking into consideration the NIS Directive and the recent National Cyber Security Perimeter of DPCM 131/2020. Therefore, the paper attests to the ubiquity of cyber domination and its growing use for political and military purposes, constituting a tangible threat to international security, however, it shows the urgent need for an agreement between the States to better protect themselves on the government of cyberspace.
