European Union Security Dynamics. In the New National Interest
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 67, Heft 3, S. 563-567
ISSN: 0020-577X
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In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 67, Heft 3, S. 563-567
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Cappelen
In: Europa-programmet
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 70, Heft 1, S. 97-104
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 59, Heft 3, S. 395-418
ISSN: 0020-577X
Having witnessed more than ten years of Yugoslav dissolution, it is time to ask whether the future will bring a victory for the nation-state or for integrated states. By going through the security policy challenges of today, as well as changes in the way the international community has approached the Balkans, the article ends up launching a third scenario. This combines the nation & integration scenarios in that it argues that the future may show a division into nation-states but also, at the same time, a greater degree of functional integration. Adapted from the source document.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 67, Heft 4, S. 784-786
ISSN: 0020-577X
A discussion of the book by Johan Jorgen Holst, Norsk sikkerhetspolitikk i strategisk perspektiv ([Norwegian Security Politics from a Strategic Perspective] Oslo: NUPI 1967), as an illustration of the importance of Norsk Utenrikpolitisk Institutt (Norwegian Institute of International Affairs [NUPI]) to political sciences. Adapted from the source document.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 73, Heft 1, S. 78-88
ISSN: 0020-577X
2014 marked important milestones for Afghanistan. It gained a new political leadership by a democratic election, the NATO International Stabilisation Force (ISAF) was withdrawn, and the country took the initiative to a wider and more trusting cooperation with its neighbor Pakistan (RFE/RL 2014). 2015 is a crucial year. We will get an indication of whether Afghanistan can stand on its own and if the (partial) military extraction was wise, and to what extent the new administration is viable. Adapted from the source document.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 59, Heft 4, S. 525-560
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 60, Heft 4, S. 443-460
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 67, Heft 1, S. 31-46
ISSN: 0020-577X
"Until recent times, Iran regularly had to cope with local or national famines. The various governments, until the second decade of the twentieth century, had neither a policy nor institutional arrangements to deal with grain shortages, artificial or not, and the resulting famines. In severe cases of famine governments might have temporarily intervened in the market, but usually they left care for the hungry to private philanthropy. Invariably, this private effort was inadequate when compared to needs. Although there were earlier incidental efforts, it was only as of 1918 that a beginning was made for more permanent and structural pro-active measures to prevent rather than to combat famine. The creation of the Edareh-ye arzaq or Alimentation Service in Tehran and Tabriz to ensure food security saved thousands of lives in the years that followed. Despite this result, its work is almost totally ignored; there is not even an encyclopedia article about its activities. In this study, Willem Floor discusses the early efforts to combat famine as well as the beginning of a more targeted and structural approach developed by Lambert Molitor in Tabriz during 1917-18 as well as its application in Tehran as of 1918. Whereas in Tabriz, after 1918, the approach was reactive, in Tehran a pro-active program was developed, which as of 1922 became part of the tasks of the Millspaugh mission. During 1926-27 there was even a quasi-national food security program. After Millspaugh's departure in 1927 the food security of Tehran became an entirely Iranian affair, which as of 1935 was transferred from the Alimentation Service to a State company that had a national food security responsibility." --
In: Arctic review on law and politics, Band 11, S. 360-382
ISSN: 2387-4562
New uncertainties in international relations have presented several states in the West with important choices regarding their national strategies for the Arctic. This article analyzes security challenges in the Arctic and North Atlantic region, as understood by some key North-Atlantic states, namely: the USA, Canada, Denmark, Norway, the UK, Germany and France. By analyzing how, or to what degree, the colder east-west security landscape since 2014 is reflected in these selected North Atlantic states' Arctic security strategies, this article seeks to improve our understanding of how the security situation in the northernmost part of the world is developing and being understood. Through applying a traditional understanding of security, the article identifies similarities but also significant differences among the Arctic and North-Atlantic states. Most notable when comparing the strategies is the rather unique global perspective laid out in the US security strategy for the region. The British, Norwegian, Danish and Canadian perspectives, on the other hand, stand out as more regional in nature. Germany displays a rather low profile in its approach to international security in the Arctic, considering its economic status in Europe. France reveals a strong concern for Arctic shipping and freedom of navigation, a perspective similar to the USA's, but with less global ambition.