Suchergebnisse

Study purpose is to determine the signs of legal security on the basis of existing scientific views and current legislation, excluding its overly broad understanding, leading to the fact that any legal requirement is included in the content of national security. Methodology: the basis is the dialectical method of cognition of the facts of social reality, on which the formal legal and comparative legal approaches are largely based. The methods of analysis and synthesis, abstraction, deduction and induction have found their application both individually and as part of other methods. Main content. We analyzed the features of legal security: normative; legal system stability; focus on eliminating legal threats and others, as well as criticized the widespread understanding of legal security as a form of national security. Conclusions. It is proved that it is necessary to distinguish between such phenomena as legal security and legal security as a form of national security, while the latter is part of legal security. In general, the entire block of legal security is not included in the content of national security.

This article analyzes national security, an imported and indeterminate notion, that grants the armed forces an inappropriate autonomy and allows them, constitutionally and legally, to perform non-professional roles in the internal order and other activities. This notion was installed in codes and legal bodies of diverse nature that potentially bind the Armed Forces. with issues unrelated to national defense. Expanded security, derived from this notion and from a poorly understood military versatility, strengthens military inclusion in police tasks. It is a significant conservative vacuum that favors the concentration of power and the ideological and political dispositions of the right. This notion has no legitimate space in a new Constitution and must be eliminated from all legal, doctrinal and regulatory bodies. ; Este artículo analiza la seguridad nacional, noción importada e indeterminada, que le otorga a las fuerzas armadas una inapropiada autonomía y les permite, constitucional y legalmente, desempeñar roles no profesionales en el orden interno y otras actividades. Esta noción fue instalada en códigos y leyes de diversa naturaleza que vinculan potencialmente a las FF.AA. con temas ajenos a la defensa nacional. La seguridad ampliada, derivada de esta noción y de una mal entendida polivalencia castrense, fortalece la inclusión militar en tareas policiales. Es un significante vacío conservador que favorece la concentración del poder y disposiciones ideológicas y políticas de derecha. Esta noción no tiene espacio legítimo en una nueva Constitución y debe eliminarte de todo cuerpo legal, doctrinario y reglamentario.

This article aims to identify the forms of participation of public organizations in national security. The basic methodological approach of the research is the analysis and generalization of the normative legal support and the scientific works that allowed to systematize and characterize the existing forms of participation of public organizations to guarantee the national security of Ukraine. The article emphasizes the importance of the influence of public organizations in the state of national security and the importance of a comprehensive and coordinated approach to involve public organizations in national security, generalizes and describes the forms of participation of public organizations to guarantee national security through the lens of the main forms of their interaction with the authorities of the organizations (information, control, consultation, active participation), the legal and organizational directions to strengthen the role of civil organizations in guaranteeing the National security. It is concluded that this type of research has practical value for representatives of the authorities and the public sector on possible ways to improve the role of public organizations to guarantee national security.

Surveillance measures, seen sometimes as Orwellian strategies, have been implemented due to the fact that governments want, among others, to tackle terrorism, organised crime, and illegal immigration. Nevertheless, those are at the centre of an ongoing debate as many scandals have appeared recently related with the disputed practices applied by certain intelligence agencies. When this indiscriminate and irresponsible use of mass surveillance practices take place -in which it seems that we are all carrying our own "pocket sensors"- a question that summarises quite much the subject arises: are we walking towards a "dystopian Orwellian state" when applying measures that affect our very essence of the right to privacy? To solve this enigma, it is crucial to analyse the national surveillance programmes under the European legal framework of fundamental rights and freedoms in order to determine if the above-mentioned practices successfully overcome or not a "dystopian state test". ; Sin financiación ; No data JCR 2014 ; UEM

An estimated 33 million people are today infected with HIV, many living in conflict or post conflict settings. The international community is increasingly recognising the effect HIV/AIDS can have on national security and conflict, both exacerbating conflict and being an obstacle to peace. The article argues for considering HIV/AIDS as a security issue and concludes four main theories on the links between HIV/AIDS, national security and conflict: 1. Uniformed personnel as a vector of HIV, 2. National security threatened by HIV/AIDS affected state institutions, 3. Increased vulnerability to HIV infection in conflict and post-conflict environments, and 4. HIV as an obstacle to peace building. These four theories are explored in the Colombian context. Of the four theories investigated it was found that 1 and 3 presented the strongest linkages between HIV/AIDS, national security and conflict. The theories 2 and 4 were less strong, mainly due to the relatively low HIV prevalence rate in Colombia. (Colombia Internacional/ GIGA)

Existen tensiones entre la seguridad nacional y el acceso a la información que no exentan a México. El presente artículo profundiza en el estudio de la relación entre la seguridad nacional y la inteligencia militar en un marco institucional apegado a la rendición de cuentas, la transparencia y el acceso a la información. Principalmente, se enfoca en la demanda de información por parte de los ciudadanos respecto a la inteligencia militar en México y parte de las siguientes preguntas: ¿qué tipo de información demandan los ciudadanos sobre inteligencia militar a través de los mecanismos de acceso a la información? y ¿cuál es la respuesta de las dependencias de seguridad nacional ante esta demanda de información? A partir de la evidencia empírica, se concluye que existen brechas entre la demanda de información en materia de inteligencia militar y la atención a esta demanda por parte de las dependencias de seguridad nacional, que deben acotarse en aras de la transparencia y la rendición de cuentas, sobre todo en aquellos casos que no comprometen asuntos confidenciales. Abstract There are tensions between national security and access to information that does not exempt Mexico. In this article I analyzes the relationship between national security and military intelligence in an institutional framework attached to accountability, transparency and access to information. Mainly focuses on the demand for information from citizens about military intelligence in Mexico and part of the following questions: What kind of information do citizens demand about military intelligence through the mechanisms of access to information? and What is the response of the national security agencies to this demand for information? Based on the empirical evidence, I concluded that there are gaps between the demand for information on military intelligence and the attention to this demand by the national security agencies, which should be limited in the interests of transparency and accountability, especially in those cases that do not compromise confidential matters. ; There are tensions between national security and access to information that does not exempt Mexico. In this article I analyzes the relationship between national security and military intelligence in an institutional framework attached to accountability, transparency and access to information. Mainly focuses on the demand for information from citizens about military intelligence in Mexico and part of the following questions: What kind of information do citizens demand about military intelligence through the mechanisms of access to information? and What is the response of the national security agencies to this demand for information? Based on the empirical evidence, I concluded that there are gaps between the demand for information on military intelligence and the attention to this demand by the national security agencies, which should be limited in the interests of transparency and accountability, especially in those cases that do not compromise confidential matters.

Cyber threat is one of the main risks for security in developing countries, as well in States on the development path, such as ours. This phenomena is a challenge to national security, that needs the adoption of a paramount approach in its analysis, that have to consider all the aspects that had transformed the actors and malevolent actions in this environment in one of the most important challenges to the security of governmental as well as private organizations all over the world. States, hackers, cyber activists, and cyber criminals have been main actors in several situations that had shaped a new dimension for international and national security. The purpose of this article is to propose topics that could be included in the national assessment of cyber threats to the Chilean national security, based upon several conceptual definitions, cyber attacks already executed to state and military organization's in Chile, and lastly, considerations over cyber threats included in the National Security Strategies of some western powers. ; La ciberamenaza es uno de los principales riesgos para la seguridad de los países desarrollados, como también de los Estados en vías de desarrollo como el nuestro. Este fenómeno es uno de los retos a la seguridad nacional que exige la adopción de un enfoque integral en su análisis, que contemple los aspectos que han transformado a los actores y acciones maliciosas de este ámbito en uno de los principales desafíos a la seguridad de organizaciones estatales y privadas en todo el mundo. Estados, hackers, hacktivistas y cibercriminales han sido protagonistas de diversos actos que han configurado una nueva dimensión para la seguridad nacional e internacional. El propósito de este artículo es proponer los tópicos que podrían incluirse en la apreciación nacional sobre la ciberamenaza a la seguridad nacional de Chile, basado en ciertas definiciones conceptuales, los ciberataques que han afectado a organismos del gobierno de Chile e instituciones de la defensa y por último, las consideraciones ...

The scientific-technical revolution and the social informativeness in their vertiginous development constantly show the necessity to upgrade the culture in Informatics so as to take advantages of the possibilities given by technology in favour of the social processes. However, using these media imply having risks at different levels: personal, instituti onal, national, and even extraterritorial. That is why, computer security has become one of the components of National Security because it can be a powerful weapon to penetrate and attack objectives of the state in the fields of economy and the army, which is of great importance for the country. ; La revolución científico técnica y la informatización social en su desarrollo vertiginoso, demuestran cada vez más la necesidad de elevar la cultura informática en aras de aprovechar las bondades de la mediación tecnológica en los procesos sociales, sin embargo, el aprovechamiento de estos medios implica riesgos de alcance: personal, institucional, nacional y extraterritorial, por lo que la seguridad informática ha devenido en componente de la Seguridad Nacional, en tanto puede constituir un arma poderosa para penetrar y atacar objetivos estatales, económicos y militares de significativa importancia para el país.

Ciencia y Tecnología son elementos esenciales para la consecución de cualquier objetivo estratégico. Están en el núcleo de la competencia internacional, pero también son el motor de cambios sociales y políticos que dan lugar a desafíos para la seguridad. En este artículo estudiamos el papel que la Ciencia y la Tecnología desempeñan en la Seguridad Nacional. Sobre todo, intentamos analizar qué oportunidades ofrecen los avances científicos y tecnológicos actuales para la realización de los objetivos estratégicos de nuestro país. De acuerdo con el principio de que no es tan importante el conocimiento, sino cómo se utiliza, tratamos de descubrir cuál es la gestión del mismo que más favorece a los intereses españoles. ; Science and Technology are essential elements to achieve any strategic objective. They are the core of the international competitiveness, but at the same time they are pursuing social and political transformations that are the origin of new challenges to our security. This article deals with the role played by science and technology in the Spanish national security. Above all we try to analyze the opportunities offered by the last scientist and technological progresses to reach our strategic objectives. According to the principle that it is not so important the knowledge as how we use it, we try to discover the best way of managing the knowledge to favor the Spanish interests.

This essay presents the main arguments of the National Security Study Memorandum 200, developed in 1974 by the Office of the Secretary of State of the United States. This document, entitled Implications of Worldwide Population Growth for U.S. Security and Overseas Interests, reveals the steps in family planning that the U.S. government would take to reduce population growth rates in less developed countries, particularly those that received aid from the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID). Though originally confidential, the NSSM 200 became public in the 1990s, and is one of the few sources that help us understand how the U.S. government interpreted demographic growth in the 1960s and 1970s, its relation to poverty in developing countries, and the national security of the U.S. ; En este ensayo se presentan los principales argumentos del National Security Study Memorandum 200 (NSSM 200), elaborado en 1974 por la oficina del Secretario de Estado de los Estados Unidos. Este documento, titulado Implications of worldwide population growth for U.S. security and overseas interests, revela las acciones de planificación familiar que este gobierno tomaría para disminuir las tasas de crecimiento poblacional en países menos desarrollados, particularmente aquellos que recibían apoyo de la Agencia de los Estados Unidos para el Desarrollo Internacional (USAID). Aunque originalmente de naturaleza confidencial, el NSSM 200 se hizo público en la década del '90, y es una de las pocas fuentes que existen para entender cómo el gobierno de los EE.UU. interpretaba el crecimiento demográfico en los años '60 y '70 del siglo XX, su relación con la pobreza en los países en vías de desarrollo, y la seguridad nacional de los EE.UU.

The purpose of the document is to study the international experience of the development and operation of legal service relations in the field of national security and, furthermore, to elaborate proposals on the adoption of its best practices in Ukraine. The document aims to identify problems and improve current Ukrainian legislation dealing with public service and legal service relations in the field of national security. The main method was comparative. The following proposals are developed: the adoption of a single codified normative act to regulate legal service relations between all categories of public servants; the introduction of an open competition system for high-ranking officials; depoliticization of public service; implementation of international experience of legal regulation of service relations in the field of national security of Ukraine. In conclusion, the document materials can be of theoretical and practical value for academics investigating various aspects of the implementation of legal service relations and the sphere of national security in general, experts in the security and defense sector of Ukraine.

Rusia es un actor relativamente marginal en la política de seguridad española, algo que parece comprensible dada la situación geográfica relativa de ambos países y los escasos lazos históricos. En ese sentido, parecería razonable que en la Estrategia de Seguridad Nacional del 2013 Rusia fuese objeto por defecto, del discurso cooperativo que encontramos en las estrategias de la Unión Europea o la OTAN. Tal condición parece cumplirse tanto en la estrategia del 2011 como la actual del 2013 que aquí analizamos. Sin embargo, aun siendo justificado el escaso espacio dedicado, no se entienden ni el innecesario endurecimiento en la estrategia del 2013 ni que no sea capaz de hacer claras aportaciones propias. La estrategia española que se limita a una exposición por orden jerárquico de cada una de las regiones del mundo, intentando abarcar en exceso y sin que quede claro en último término cómo se realiza el enlace con los intereses de España y con las amenazas para la estrategia de seguridad nacional, olvida mencionar en esta estrategia la asociación estratégica bilateral con Rusia ni parece establecer la base para superar meras a iniciativas puntuales carentes posteriormente de continuidad alguna —como el "Año Dual" de 2011 o la propia declaración de Asociación Estratégica—. Las carencias muestran cómo no se asume Rusia como uno de los vectores estratégicos a largo plazo de nuestra política exterior y de seguridad. ; Russia is in relative terms, a marginal actor for Spain, a fact which is easily understandable given both the country´s geographic position and its limited historical ties. It seems thus reasonable that the National Security Strategy 2013 does not devote much attention to Russia, and that it adopts both NATO´s and the EU´s cooperative discourse, as found in the strategies by the two organizations. We may state that this condition is achieved both in the strategy of 2011 and in that of 2013 which is analyzed here. However, in spite of finding the limited space devoted to Russia as justified, it is hardly understandable that the latest strategy unnecessarily hardens its stance while it does not introduce any clear proper contribution. The Spanish strategy limits herself to expose in order of importance each of the world regions, trying to span too much and failing to link the strategy with both Spain´s interests and the threats to its national security strategy. Meanwhile, it forgets to mention the bilateral strategic relation with Russia and does not set the basis for overcoming the tendency to restrict Spain-Russia relations to mere punctual initiatives - As the 2011 "Dual Year" or the Strategic Association itself -. The shortcomings show that Russia is not seen as one of the long-term strategic vectors of our foreign and security policy. ; 0.123 SJR (2014) Q4, 321/402 Political science and international relations ; UEM

The research objective is the identification of the negative image of the Russian state in computer games of the western developers. The characteristics and tendencies are given in the development of virtual game space from the first person (shooters) where the image of the enemy of the Russian origin is created. Virtual game communications are considered as a special form of social interaction on the Internet where technologies of political convictions and increase in level of hostility of rather specially chosen object are approved.The research has cross-disciplinary character. When studying virtual game network space authors used structurally functional and sociocultural approach.Computer games can serve as platform for the information wars, first of all, directed against the Russian youth.Destructive communicative strategy is used in the computer games devoted to World War II where the role and value of participation of the Soviet Union in a victory over fascist Germany is leveled. It is reached in fictional images of Russia in virtual reality which do not relies on objective reality of historical process and carries a negative connotation.Computer games are time the tool which can put motives of political and ideological hatred, xenophobia or hostility concerning any social group or the country

The purpose of the study is to identify the impact of corruption risks on the national security based on the global anti-corruption practices by using the interdisciplinary approach. Methods: the comparative legal, dialectical formally legal, statistical, and other methods of the scientific knowledge have been applied during the study. Contents. The concept of "risk" developed by economic scientists has been studied. Based on this, it is extrapolated to the concept of "corruption risk". The practice of minimizing corruption risks in various countries, including Russia, has been analyzed. The legal expertise of Russia has been compared to the measures on reducing corruption risks and ensuring the national security taken in other countries. It has been substantiated that the category of "uncertainty" that is the basis for the concept "risk" developed by economists is also important for determining corruption risks, but at the same time corruption risks are not limited only to the uncertainty of legislation or the powers of state bodies. Conclusion. Based on the analysis of global practices related to minimizing corruption risks, the absence of measures for their comprehensive reduction in Russia has been proved, because the possibilities for establishing an institution of civil liability and liability of legal entities for committing corruption offences, as well as civil confiscation widely applied in other countries are not taken into account. The legislation uncertainty is not the only factor that predetermines and increases corruption risks. It goes together with social, economic, political and other factors. Corruption risks are directly related to the national security.