Ukrainian national security
In: Ukraine at a crossroads, S. 119-135
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In: Ukraine at a crossroads, S. 119-135
Viewing the September 11 terrorist attack on New York and Washington as an attack not just on an individual nation but also on a NATO partner &, moreover, as an event that could be repeated elsewhere, Canada, like many other nations, took stock of the adequacy of its armed forces for national defense as well as for the defense of other countries according to its pledged obligations, especially to its fellow NATO members. A key strategic policy issue is Canada's perceived capability to "fight against the best alongside the best," with reference to the availability, deployability, & sustainability of its armed forces & their materiel. Differences between the meanings of national security & national strategy held by Canada, the UK, & the US are noted, especially the latter's understanding that national security is inextricably linked with international security. In this light, a new national security framework for Canada is presented. Figures, References. J. Stanton
Begins by addressing the southerly direction of Russia's national security concerns, chiefly the proliferation of terrorism, separatism, & internal conflict in the Caucasus & Central Asia. Security threats confronting Russia are considered in light of its relations with external actors & the linkages between its geopolitical & geoeconomic interests. Attention turns to the uncertain future of Caspian energy development & the significance of the region for the US, particularly in terms of oil transport & relations with Iran. Regional security issues connected to oil development (or lack thereof) are examined before concluding with some thoughts on shifts in Russian Caspian policy, ie, toward the five key littoral states. J. Zendejas
A comment on Will Kymlicka's "Western Political Theory and Ethnic Relations in Eastern Europe" (2001) argues that he assumes that post-Soviet states operate as Western states do. His never fully articulated assumption that post-Soviet states have the political will to solve problems related to ethnocultural diversity, possess a national majority that defines government policy toward minorities, retain a vision as to what such a policy looks like, & can make appropriate decisions to meet obligations is deemed unwarranted. The power structure of the post-Soviet states is addressed, along with national security issues related to minority groups & peculiar to postcommunist societies. The political dimension in determining who is or is not a nation or national minority is next touched on before considering how Crimean Tatars view themselves, ie, as an indigenous nation rather than an ethnic group, a label that Kymlicka questions. It is argued that a two-nation state model would best answer the Crimean Tatar question.
A comment on Will Kymlicka's "Western Political Theory and Ethnic Relations in Eastern Europe" (2001) argues that he assumes that post-Soviet states operate as Western states do. His never fully articulated assumption that post-Soviet states have the political will to solve problems related to ethnocultural diversity, possess a national majority that defines government policy toward minorities, retain a vision as to what such a policy looks like, & can make appropriate decisions to meet obligations is deemed unwarranted. The power structure of the post-Soviet states is addressed, along with national security issues related to minority groups & peculiar to postcommunist societies. The political dimension in determining who is or is not a nation or national minority is next touched on before considering how Crimean Tatars view themselves, ie, as an indigenous nation rather than an ethnic group, a label that Kymlicka questions. It is argued that a two-nation state model would best answer the Crimean Tatar question.
In: Die Sicherheitsstrategien Europas und der USA: transatlantische Entwürfe für eine Weltordnungspolitik, S. 27-33
In: Russia - continuity and change, S. 151-162
In: Friedensforschung und Friedensbewegung, S. 63-90
In 1999, Wen Ho Lee, a Taiwanese American computer scientist working at the Los Alamos National Laboratory, was accused of selling nuclear secrets to the People's Republic of China, despite the lack of evidence. The case against him was manufactured using racism & racial profiling & was a symptom of concern over the ethnic composition of US society & the threat to US Empire posed by Chinese nuclear research. The case was motivated by the defense & national security bureaucracy's attempts to guarantee & legitimate its survival after the end of the Cold War. Paranoia & bigotry against Chinese Americans had long been present, but in Lee's case, the racism at its core went unexamined when the case was finally dropped. M. Pflum
In 1999, Wen Ho Lee, a Taiwanese American computer scientist working at the Los Alamos National Laboratory, was accused of selling nuclear secrets to the People's Republic of China, despite the lack of evidence. The case against him was manufactured using racism & racial profiling & was a symptom of concern over the ethnic composition of US society & the threat to US Empire posed by Chinese nuclear research. The case was motivated by the defense & national security bureaucracy's attempts to guarantee & legitimate its survival after the end of the Cold War. Paranoia & bigotry against Chinese Americans had long been present, but in Lee's case, the racism at its core went unexamined when the case was finally dropped. M. Pflum
In: Poland's security: contemporary domestic and international issues, S. 23-40
In: The transformation of the European nation state, S. 117-134
In: Debating national security: the public dimension, S. 101-138
In: Political asymmetries in the era of globalization: the asymmetric security and defense relations from a worldwide view, S. 157-161
In: Debating national security: the public dimension, S. 171-202