For some the nineteenth century was the age of prophets. All over Europe new ideas struggled for precedence. Idealism was a strong issue, but committing to particular political ideas had its risks. Over the years ideas about country and nation had undergone changes. Under the influence of Johann Gottfried Herder (1744-1803) an organic concept of nations had become widely accepted. The assumption was that nations – like people, animals and plants – went through the phases of birth, growth, prosperity and death. As a mere metaphor, this concept was relatively harmless. However, Herder's organic ideas also seeped through to science. Due to Charles Darwin's influence such ideas found their way into political and scientific jargon and thought. Metaphor had turned into identity.1 Geography became political geography and political geography engendered geopolitics. Karl Haushofer was Germany's main exponent of geopolitics. His contemporaries, geo-politicians such as Richard Henning and Leo Körholz defined the term geopolitics…"Geopolitics is a method of political analysis which emphasizes the role played by geography in international relations". In his Dictionary of Geopolitics author John O'Loughlin in 1994 concluded that Geopolitik was mainly a political weapon, intellectual ammunition, from which evolved German expansionism and hegemony concepts.
This article discusses a discursive phenomenon: the prominent, arbitrary use of the name and biography of Eva Braun, Adolf Hitler's wife of his last hours before their joint suicide, as a cipher for privileged insight into the private life of the National Socialist elite. Unknown to the German public before 1945, Braun has attracted considerable attention since – as voyeuristic interest of the post-war (boulevard) press as well as as decontextualized icon of today's popular and high cultures. In this article, Johanna Gehmacher analyzes the differences and interrelations between the seemingly contradictory use of Eva Braun as icon and cipher in public discourse, arguing that we must approach historical figures in their specific contexts if we are to understand their political functions. ; This article discusses a discursive phenomenon: the prominent, arbitrary use of the name and biography of Eva Braun, Adolf Hitler's wife of his last hours before their joint suicide, as a cipher for privileged insight into the private life of the National Socialist elite. Unknown to the German public before 1945, Braun has attracted considerable attention since – as voyeuristic interest of the post-war (boulevard) press as well as as decontextualized icon of today's popular and high cultures. In this article, Johanna Gehmacher analyzes the differences and interrelations between the seemingly contradictory use of Eva Braun as icon and cipher in public discourse, arguing that we must approach historical figures in their specific contexts if we are to understand their political functions.
Die Mediengeschichte zeigt, dass mit dem Aufkommen neuer Medien immer auch literarische Stoffe von ihnen aufgegriffen wurden, sei es in Form von traditionellen, neu erschienenen oder eigens für sie geschriebenen Texten. In Deutschland trifft diese Feststellung auch auf den Rundfunk zu, der flächendeckend ab 1923 in Form von dezentralen Rundfunkgesellschaften aufgebaut wurde (vgl. Halefeldt 1997), die ab 1924 ein Programm für Kinder und Jugendliche anboten. Hört zu! lautete der an sie gerichtete Aufruf. ; This article presents some results from a research project on German-language children's and young people's literature in the media network from 1900 to 1945, focussing on radio programmes, from 1924 on, that engaged with this literature. The sources of information about the programmes were radio magazines, which were only published until 1941 due to the constraints of the Second World War. In the initial phase, readings of fairy tales and legends dominated; from the early 1930s on, more and more fairy tale radio plays were produced. Punch and Judy radio plays by Liesel Simon, for instance, were broadcast regularly from 1926. Book recommendations aimed at parents and young people also played an important role as did readings by contemporary authors such as Felix Salten, Lisa Tetzner, Erich Kästner, Irmgard von Faber du Faur and Will Vesper. While the new political and social start with the Weimar Republic in 1918/1919 did not result in a caesura in the market for children's literature, because authors who had been successful up to that point continued to be published, it did introduce several innovations, for which there was little room after Hitler came to power in 1933.
This project seeks to examine what museal techniques are implemented in memorial sites and documentation centres in contemporary Germany in order to convey historical knowledge about the era of the National Socialism and the Holocaust. A comparative examination of two Bavarian institutions and their exhibitions is conducted: the permanent exhibition of the Munich Documentation Centre for the History of National Socialism (NS Dokumentationszentrum München, 2015) and the Dachau Concentration Camp Memorial Site (KZ-Gedenkstätte Dachau, since 1965). The thesis analyzes how historical-political knowledge can be used to enhance human rights and democracy education today so that historical events remain relevant in the present and future. Based on the theoretical concepts of "empathy" and "distance" as well as "authenticity" and "aura", this study examines the potential learning opportunities and processes of prototypical German high school students within these museal representations. ; May 2019
Die Überlegungen gehören in den Kontext des Beschlusses des Westberliner Abgeordnetenhauses, im Reichstag eine Gedenktafel für die Abgeordneten der Weimarer Republik anzubringen, die gegen den Faschismus im Dritten Reich gekämpft haben. Dazu wird eine begriffliche Klärung des Opfer-Begriffs vorgenommen sowie sein historischer Begründungszusammenhang erläutert. Außerdem wird eine vorläufige Bestandsaufnahme der biographischen Forschungen zu den Lebensläufen bzw. dem Schicksal der betroffenen Reichstagsabgeordneten der Weimarer Republik in zwei Dokumentationen präsentiert: (1) einer Sammlung kurzer Biographien von den 83 bekannten Parlamentariern, die von den Nationalsozialisten direkt ermordet wurden oder die im Gefängnis oder in Konzentrationslagern gestorben sind; (2) eine vorläufige biographische Liste von 449 anderen Opfern (als Emigranten und / oder Gefangenen) unter den Parlamentariern des Reichstags. ; There are concrete plannings for a big memorial-tablet at the building of the former German 'Reichstag' in West-Berlin which shall remember of the victims by national-socialist terror (1933-1945) among the parliamentarians of the 'Reichstag'. This article deals with the concept 'victim' ('Opfer') within its historical context during the national-socialist period of the German 'Reich' and presents two documentations: 1. a collection of short biographies of short biographies of the 83 known parliamentarians who were directly murdered by the national-socialists or died in prisons/concentrationcamps, and 2. a preliminary biographical list of 449 other victims (as emigrants and / or prisoners) among the parliamentarians of the 'Reichstag'.
International audience ; Inverting the gaze initially adopted by scholars of Iran that had been inspired by Said's Orientalism thesis, a line of academic enquiry that one might call Iranian Occidentalism, i.e. the study of Iranian perceptions, or perhaps better, (re)constructions, of the West, has been gathering considerable momentum in the last decade or so. However, while work has been done on several different facets of this Iranian Occidentalism – e.g. on its manifestations in travelogues, in poetry and prose literature, in the arts, or in academic philosophy – no attention has so far been paid by scholars to the question of how, if at all, Iranian historians have studied the history of the Occident in their academic writings. This essay addresses this desideratum and breaks new ground by analysing the rare instance of one of 20th-century Iran's most venerated historians – the 'father of Modern Iranian history', Fereydun Adamiyat (1920-2008) – writing on a completely non-Iran related, major topic within Modern European history, namely the rise of National-Socialism in Germany and the fall of the Weimar Republic. This analysis starts by explaining Adamiyat's account of the destruction of Germany's democracy in the 1930s in its unexpected context – a book on Social-Democratic thought in Iran at the time of the Constitutional Revolution (1906-1911) published in Tehran for the first time in 1975. It then proceeds to assessing Adamiyat's account of the triumph of National Socialism in 1930s Germany in terms of its merits as a contribution to scholarship before enquiring into the potential of a present-day political agenda on the part of Adamiyat in having chosen to write on this specific topic at the specific time that he did, namely during the mid-1970s, i.e. at a time when Iran seemed to have reached a level of stability and (sudden) wealth that could not have been more different from the troubled final years of the Weimar Republic. In so doing this essay does not only open up an entirely new chapter in the ...
International audience ; Inverting the gaze initially adopted by scholars of Iran that had been inspired by Said's Orientalism thesis, a line of academic enquiry that one might call Iranian Occidentalism, i.e. the study of Iranian perceptions, or perhaps better, (re)constructions, of the West, has been gathering considerable momentum in the last decade or so. However, while work has been done on several different facets of this Iranian Occidentalism – e.g. on its manifestations in travelogues, in poetry and prose literature, in the arts, or in academic philosophy – no attention has so far been paid by scholars to the question of how, if at all, Iranian historians have studied the history of the Occident in their academic writings. This essay addresses this desideratum and breaks new ground by analysing the rare instance of one of 20th-century Iran's most venerated historians – the 'father of Modern Iranian history', Fereydun Adamiyat (1920-2008) – writing on a completely non-Iran related, major topic within Modern European history, namely the rise of National-Socialism in Germany and the fall of the Weimar Republic. This analysis starts by explaining Adamiyat's account of the destruction of Germany's democracy in the 1930s in its unexpected context – a book on Social-Democratic thought in Iran at the time of the Constitutional Revolution (1906-1911) published in Tehran for the first time in 1975. It then proceeds to assessing Adamiyat's account of the triumph of National Socialism in 1930s Germany in terms of its merits as a contribution to scholarship before enquiring into the potential of a present-day political agenda on the part of Adamiyat in having chosen to write on this specific topic at the specific time that he did, namely during the mid-1970s, i.e. at a time when Iran seemed to have reached a level of stability and (sudden) wealth that could not have been more different from the troubled final years of the Weimar Republic. In so doing this essay does not only open up an entirely new chapter in the ...
International audience ; Inverting the gaze initially adopted by scholars of Iran that had been inspired by Said's Orientalism thesis, a line of academic enquiry that one might call Iranian Occidentalism, i.e. the study of Iranian perceptions, or perhaps better, (re)constructions, of the West, has been gathering considerable momentum in the last decade or so. However, while work has been done on several different facets of this Iranian Occidentalism – e.g. on its manifestations in travelogues, in poetry and prose literature, in the arts, or in academic philosophy – no attention has so far been paid by scholars to the question of how, if at all, Iranian historians have studied the history of the Occident in their academic writings. This essay addresses this desideratum and breaks new ground by analysing the rare instance of one of 20th-century Iran's most venerated historians – the 'father of Modern Iranian history', Fereydun Adamiyat (1920-2008) – writing on a completely non-Iran related, major topic within Modern European history, namely the rise of National-Socialism in Germany and the fall of the Weimar Republic. This analysis starts by explaining Adamiyat's account of the destruction of Germany's democracy in the 1930s in its unexpected context – a book on Social-Democratic thought in Iran at the time of the Constitutional Revolution (1906-1911) published in Tehran for the first time in 1975. It then proceeds to assessing Adamiyat's account of the triumph of National Socialism in 1930s Germany in terms of its merits as a contribution to scholarship before enquiring into the potential of a present-day political agenda on the part of Adamiyat in having chosen to write on this specific topic at the specific time that he did, namely during the mid-1970s, i.e. at a time when Iran seemed to have reached a level of stability and (sudden) wealth that could not have been more different from the troubled final years of the Weimar Republic. In so doing this essay does not only open up an entirely new chapter in the ...
International audience ; Inverting the gaze initially adopted by scholars of Iran that had been inspired by Said's Orientalism thesis, a line of academic enquiry that one might call Iranian Occidentalism, i.e. the study of Iranian perceptions, or perhaps better, (re)constructions, of the West, has been gathering considerable momentum in the last decade or so. However, while work has been done on several different facets of this Iranian Occidentalism – e.g. on its manifestations in travelogues, in poetry and prose literature, in the arts, or in academic philosophy – no attention has so far been paid by scholars to the question of how, if at all, Iranian historians have studied the history of the Occident in their academic writings. This essay addresses this desideratum and breaks new ground by analysing the rare instance of one of 20th-century Iran's most venerated historians – the 'father of Modern Iranian history', Fereydun Adamiyat (1920-2008) – writing on a completely non-Iran related, major topic within Modern European history, namely the rise of National-Socialism in Germany and the fall of the Weimar Republic. This analysis starts by explaining Adamiyat's account of the destruction of Germany's democracy in the 1930s in its unexpected context – a book on Social-Democratic thought in Iran at the time of the Constitutional Revolution (1906-1911) published in Tehran for the first time in 1975. It then proceeds to assessing Adamiyat's account of the triumph of National Socialism in 1930s Germany in terms of its merits as a contribution to scholarship before enquiring into the potential of a present-day political agenda on the part of Adamiyat in having chosen to write on this specific topic at the specific time that he did, namely during the mid-1970s, i.e. at a time when Iran seemed to have reached a level of stability and (sudden) wealth that could not have been more different from the troubled final years of the Weimar Republic. In so doing this essay does not only open up an entirely new chapter in the ...
In meiner Dissertation widme ich mich der Frage, in welcher Weise Konzepte der historisch-politischen Bildungsarbeit eine adäquate Einbindung bildungsbenachteiligter Jugendlicher muslimischer Herkunft in die historisch-politische Bildungsarbeit zu den Themenfeldern Nationalsozialismus und Holocaust ermöglichen. Um dabei die wechselseitige Wirkung der Diskurse über Antisemitismus in der Einwanderungsgesellschaft, Islam in Deutschland, Integration, Bildungsbenachteiligung und neoliberale Leistungsdebatten und ihren Einfluss auf die historisch-politische Bildungsarbeit zu verdeutlichen, wurde die vorliegende Arbeit interdisziplinär angelegt. Sie enthält neben einer Analyse von Seminarkonzepten zum historischen Lernen über Nationalsozialismus und Holocaust in der Einwanderungsgesellschaft Ausführungen über die Lebenslagen muslimischer Jugendlicher in Deutschland, über Antisemitismus sowie über das Geschichtslernen in der Einwanderungsgesellschaft. Mit der vorliegenden Studie möchte ich zu einem sachlichen Diskurs über die Möglichkeiten einer Einbindung bildungsbenachteiligter Jugendlicher muslimischer Herkunft in die historisch-politische Bildungsarbeit zu Nationalsozialismus und Holocaust beitragen. Damit ist auch festgelegt, dass dieser Forschungsbeitrag möglichst praxisnah ausgerichtet sein soll. Im Mittelpunkt stehen die Konzeption von Seminarbausteinen und Arbeitsmaterialien, die die genannte Zielgruppe berücksichtigen, und die experimentelle, empirisch begleitete Erprobung dieser Bausteine und Materialien. Konkret stelle ich in dieser Arbeit dar, wie beim Berliner Bildungsträger Miphgasch/Begegnung e.V. das Bewusstsein für die in dieser Arbeit diskutierte Fragestellung wuchs, wie ich erste Konzepte ausgearbeitet, erprobt und evaluiert habe und unter welchen Kriterien eine Weiterentwicklung erfolgte. Auf der Basis der empirisch begleiteten Seminarerprobungen sowie aus der kritischen Analyse von extern hinzugezogenen Daten erfolgt die Generierung von Leitlinien für eine Pädagogik zu Nationalsozialismus und Holocaust in der Einwanderungsgesellschaft, die einen Beitrag zur Forschung auf diesem Gebiet leisten und zugleich ihren Niederschlag in der pädagogischen Praxis finden. Gemeint ist damit die Formulierung von Zielsetzungen und Handlungshilfen, die in der historisch-politischen Bildungsarbeit zur Anwendung kommen können. Damit verfolgt die Arbeit das Ziel, eine Verknüpfung zwischen theoretischem Erkenntnisgewinn und praktischen Erfahrungen herzustellen. ; My dissertation addresses the question of how existing approaches to historical and political education on National Socialism and the Holocaust make it possible to adequately involve educationally disadvantaged young people of Muslim origins. This dissertation is interdisciplinary in order to highlight how the discourses on anti-Semitism in an immigration society, Islam in Germany, integration, educational disadvantage, and neoliberal interpretations of educational success inform each other and to illustrate their influence on historical and political education. Along with an analysis of seminar concepts on teaching National Socialism and the Holocaust in an immigration society, it offers insight into the living conditions of young Muslims in Germany, anti-Semitism and history lessons in an immigrant society. With this study I aim to contribute to an objective, rational discourse on effectively including educationally disadvantaged young people of Muslim origins in historical and political education on National Socialism and anti-Semitism. This requires a praxis-based approach. The main focus is on designing seminar blocks and course material that reflect the target group, and on the experimental, empirically tested trials of these blocks and materials. This dissertation presents the concrete example of how the Berlin educational institution Miphgasch/Begegnung e.V. became increasingly aware of the questions I discuss in this study; how I built, implemented, tested and evaluated concepts; and the criteria that were critical to further development. Guidelines for a Pedagogy on National Socialism and Holocaust in Immigrant Societies will be created based on the empirically tested seminar trials as well as the critical analysis of external data. They will contribute to research in the field and leave their mark on teaching practices by providing objectives and teaching aids that may be used in historical and political education, thus forging a link between theoretical insights and practical experience.
At the beginning of the expansionist policy of the Third Reich, the vespertine Argentinean Crítica, property of Natalio Botana, took party of the anti-fascism. In the newspaper was working components of Das Andere Deutschland, exiled politicians of German and Austrian origin, opposition to the Nazi regime. Collaborated in addition, some members of the Communism. The journalist Raul Damonte Taborda, came to work in the tabloid from 1937 and joined the journal when marrying with the daughter of the owner, Georgina Botana. He was settled by his father-in-law as a candidate for a position by the Unión Cívica Radical in the Lower House in 1938, reaching great repercussion in its task of denouncing the activities of the National Socialism in the country. The objective of this work is to analyze the entailments between the speech of Raul Damonte Taborda and the one of Crítica about the activities of Nazism in Argentina, during the period in which served as Deputy (1938-1943) and gained notoriety theme. ; En los comienzos de la política expansionista del Tercer Reich, el vespertino argentino Crítica, propiedad de Natalio Botana, tomó partido a favor del antifascismo. En el diario trabajaban componentes de Das Andere Deutschland, exiliados políticos de origen alemán y austríaco, opositores al régimen nacionalsocialista. Colaboraban, además, algunos integrantes del comunismo. El periodista Raúl Damonte Taborda se venía desempeñando en el tabloide desde 1937 y se vinculó al medio al casarse con la hija del dueño, Georgina Botana. Fue colocado por su suegro como candidato a un cargo por la Unión Cívica Radical en la Cámara Baja en 1938, alcanzando gran repercusión en su tarea de denuncia de las actividades del nazismo en el país. El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar las vinculaciones entre el discurso de Raúl Damonte Taborda y el de Crítica con respecto al accionar del nacionalsocialismo en la Argentina, durante el período en que se desempeñó como diputado (1938-1943) y cobró notoriedad el tema.
Die vorrangigen Anliegen meiner Arbeit sind es, gleichsam die wesentlichen Strukturen einer Sozialisation während der NS-Zeit deskriptiv zu beschreiben und systematisierend zu analysieren. Im Ergebnis sollen sich diese Darstellungen schließlich zur Gesamtpräsentation eines spezifischen NS-Sozialisationskontextes ergänzen. Dieses Vorhaben zieht seine Motivation aus dem bestehenden Desiderat systematisierender Analysen zum sozialen Alltag während der NS-Zeit. Die Arbeit stützt sich in ihren Aussagen auf die Analysen von insgesamt mehreren hundert Primärwerken aus der NS-Zeit, wissenschaftlichen Sekundäranalysen zu selbiger, biographischen und autobiographischen Quellen, theoretischen Konzepten, welche von mir auf die Belange einer Sozialisation während der NS-Zeit übertragen wurden (etwa der labeling approach Ansatz auf die Analyse abweichenden Verhaltens unter der NS-Herrschaft), sowie einigen, von mir geführten narrativen Interviews mit Zeitzeugen der NS-Herrschaft. Zunächst wird in der Arbeit der hier verwendete Sozialisationsbegriff eingeführt. Anschließend werden einige Sozialisationstheorien, welche auch im späteren Analyseverlauf erneut auftauchen, bezüglich ihrer Anwendbarkeit auf die Belange eines Aufwachsens während der NS-Zeit befragt. Danach erfolgt eine hinführende Analyse der Sozialisationsbedingungen in der späten Weimarer Republik. An dies schließt dann der Hauptteil der Arbeit an, die ausführliche Analyse des NS-Sozialisationskontextes. Dessen Darstellung wurde, im Anschluss an eine Argumentation von M. Rainer Lepsius, bewusst als Präsentation spezifischer Sozialisationspotentiale vorgenommen. Sie zieht daher keine Verengung auf vermeintlich repräsentative idealtypische Sozialisationsverläufe nach sich. Zur differenzierenden Untergliederung des NS-Sozialisationskontextes wurde die Erstellung von insgesamt sieben Strukturthesen gewählt, welche diesen zugleich systematisierend erfassen. Die ausgiebigen Erläuterungen zu diesen Thesen beschreiben die besonderen Bedingungen, sowie vielfach auch die biographische Bedeutung der einzelnen Elemente einer Sozialisation unter der NS-Herrschaft. Die Thesen erheben bezüglich des NS-Sozialisationskontextes einen universalen Gültigkeitsanspruch. Aus Platzgründen können sie im Verlauf der Arbeit jedoch nur exemplarisch belegt werden. Für diese Belege wurden solche Phänomene gewählt, die entweder bislang noch zu wenig Aufmerksamkeit durch die historische Bildungsforschung erfahren haben, oder aber von mir als besonders relevant für eine damals ablaufende Sozialisation angesehen wurden (etwa die Erfahrungen im Zweiten Weltkrieg). Die einzelnen Strukturthesen lauten wie folgt: 1. Zum Verhältnis von Regime und Bevölkerung I: Das nationalsozialistische Regime versuchte, die Menschen nach Maßgabe seiner ideologischen Überzeugungen "von oben" zu lenken. 2. Zum Verhältnis von Regime und Bevölkerung II: Die Beeinflussung der Bevölkerung durch das Regime erfolgte durch eine ineinander greifende Anwendung von Verführung und Führung. 3. Zum Verhältnis von Bevölkerung und Regime I: Während die NS-Ideologie bei der Bevölkerung nur begrenzten Anklang fand und die "NSDAP" durchaus auch auf Ablehnung stieß, war die Zustimmung zur Person Hitlers und den um ihn entfachten "Führermythos" ein wesentlich integrierendes Moment zwischen Bevölkerung und Nationalsozialismus. 4. Zum Verhältnis von Bevölkerung und Regime II: Über die gesamte NS-Zeit lässt sich auch eine Einflussnahme "von unten", durch Teile der Bevölkerung, nachweisen, welche die Politik des "Dritten Reiches" deutlich mitgeprägt hat. 5. Leben im "Dritten Reich" I: Sowohl das alltägliche Leben als auch der Verlauf nahezu jeder politischen Maßnahme - wenn sie lang genug bestand - lässt sich während der NS-Zeit in drei Entwicklungsschritte einteilen, welche jeweils eine spezifische Sozialisationsrelevanz erlangten. 6. Leben im "Dritten Reich" II: Die NS-Führung bedachte unterschiedliche Bevölkerungsgruppen mit differenzierenden Kategorisierungen und damit verbundenen Charakterisierungen, zu welchen sowohl die Politik des Regimes als auch die Alltagserfahrungen und –handlungen der Betroffenen in mitunter deutlichen Widerspruch treten konnten. 7. Leben im "Dritten Reich" III: Im Alltag des NS-Sozialisationskontextes generierte sich individuell wie kollektiv abweichendes Verhalten zumeist als Resultat komplexer Motivlagen, welche allerdings selten eine vollständige Ablehnung des Regimes oder dessen Politik zum Ergebnis hatten, sowie in Form eines Prozesses, an dessen Ende nur in Einzelfällen ein offener Widerstand gegen das NS-System stand, in dessen Verlauf jedoch die massiv repressiven negativen Rückkopplungen (Zuschreibungen und daraus resultierende gewaltsame Zumutungen) durch die nationalsozialistischen Kontrollorgane häufig eine weitere Verschärfung des Konflikts bedingten. ; The primary objectives of this work shall be to descriptively specify substantial patterns of socialization during the period of National Socialism as well as to systematisingly analyse them. In consequence, they aim to add to the overall presentation of a specific National Socialist socialization context. The intention of this dissertation arises from a desideratum in systematizing analyses of the social everyday life during the Nazi era. The work is founded on the analysis of a total of several hundred publications, corresponding scientific literature, biographical and autobiographical sources, and theoretical concepts applied to the issues of socialization during the period of National Socialism (i.e. the so called labelling approach on the analysis of deviant behaviour). Also, a number of narrative interviews have been conducted with contemporaries of the National Socialist period. At first, the concept of socialization used in this work will be introduced. After that, a number of socialization theories, which will be referred to in the further course of analysis, will be put into question according to their applicability with regard to growing up during the Nazi era. An introductory analysis of the conditions of socialization during the late Weimar Republic will follow right before the in-depth analysis of the socialization context during the Nazi era in the main part of the work. The interpretation of the context, following the argumentation of M. Rainer Lepsius, is purposely regarded as the presentation of socialization potentials, meaning it will not be limited to supposedly representative ideal types of courses of socialization. Seven structural theses have been chosen to allow for differentiating structures and systematic coverage of the National Socialist context of socialization. Extensive elucidations point out the particular conditions, and very often the biographical significance of individual elements of socialization in the National Socialist regime. With regard to the latter, these theses have a general claim to validity; however, due to space reasons, only exemplary evidence can be given. For said evidence, phenomena have been chosen that either had received too little attention in historical educational research or which I considered as particularly relevant for socialization then – such as the experiences made in World War II. The structural theses are as follows: 1. The relationship of regime and population I: According to their ideological ideas, the National Socialist regime tried to direct the German people top-down. 2. The relationship of regime and population II: The influence on the population by the regime happened by intertwining temptation and command. 3. The relationship of population and regime I: While the appeal of National Socialist ideology to the population was somewhat limited and the NSDAP was not well accepted, the man, Adolf Hitler, was met with general approval. Furthermore, the starting of the "Führermythos" was an essential element working towards the integration of the population and National Socialism. 4. The relationship of population and regime II: During the era of National Socialism a bottom-up exertion of influence from parts of the population can be proved, which left its imprint on the politics of the Third Reich. 5. Life in the Third Reich I: Both everyday life and progress of political measures of a certain duration can be divided into developmental stages, each gaining a specific relevance socialization-wise. 6. Life in the Third Reich II: The differentiating categorizations and subsequent characterizations undertaken by National Socialist leaders caused considerable discrepancies between said categorizations and the regime's politics as well as between the former and day-to-day experiences and actions of those affected by the aforementioned measures. 7. Life in the Third Reich III: Deviant behaviour on an individual and collective level in the social context of National Socialism was often due to complex motivations, which seldom resulted in a total rejection of the regime or its politics. Also, deviant behaviour occurred in a process whose end results only occasionally turned into open opposition against the National Socialist system; however, in its course massively repressive negative feedback (attributions and violent impositions resulting from them) originating from National Socialist controlling bodies caused an exacerbation of the conflict.
Aus der Geschichte zu lernen bedeutet, in der Gegenwart und Zukunft historisch bewusst zu handeln, Entscheidungen mit dem Wissen über Vergangenes zu treffen und mit Blick auf Historie Sensibilität für gegenwärtige Prozesse zu entwickeln. Gegenwarts- und Subjektbezüge sind entscheidende Voraussetzungen für das Geschichtslernen: Ohne die Einbindung der Identität der Adressatinnen in den Lernprozess, ohne jegliche Bezugnahme auf für den Lernenden subjektiv Bedeutsames wird jede pädagogische Bemühung erfolglos bleiben. In der historisch-politischen Bildung an Gedenkorten für die Opfer des Nationalsozialismus ist diese Problematik aktueller denn je: Die Gedenkstättenpädagogik steht mit der zunehmenden zeitlichen Distanz zum historischen Ereignis und ihrer multi-ethnischen Adressatenschaft vor einer pädagogischen Herausforderung. Zwar bildet die Auseinandersetzung mit NS-Geschichte einen wichtigen inhaltlichen Schwerpunkt in Schulen und Öffentlichkeit, doch belegen die Ergebnisse empirischer Studien erhebliche Wissenslücken. Mehr noch: Im internationalen Vergleich zeigen insbesondere deutsche Jugendliche deutlich weniger Interesse an der Zeit des Nationalsozialismus als Jugendliche anderer Länder. Statt mit Interesse an Geschichte reagieren sie mit Abwehr und bekunden, das Thema "satt zu haben". Angesichts solcher Entwicklungen stellt sich dementsprechend die Frage, wohin sich Gedenkstättenpädagogik zukünftig entwickeln wird. Um Bezüge zwischen Vergangenheit und Gegenwart bewusster einzubeziehen, gibt es in NS-Gedenkstätten Diskussionen darüber, sich stärker in Richtung Menschenrechtsbildung auszurichten. Die Verknüpfung von Gedenkstättenpädagogik und Menschenrechtsbildung soll bewirken, eine stärker gegenwartsorientierte Geschichtsauseinandersetzung und damit einen subjektiv bedeutsamen Lernprozess anzuregen. Im Fokus der vorliegenden Forschungsarbeit steht die Frage, wie dieses Anliegen realisiert werden kann und welche Spannungsfelder in der gedenkstättenpädagogischen Praxis entstehen. Menschenrechtsbildung in NS-Gedenkstätten – allein die Worte klingen vielversprechend. Sie spiegeln genau das wider, was man in einer freiheitlich-demokratischen Grundordnung von historisch-politischer Bildung an NS-Gedenkorten erwartet: aus den begangenen Verbrechen für die Gegenwart lernen. Mit der vorliegenden Forschungsarbeit möchte ich eine Lücke schließen. Ziel ist es, ein umfassendes Modell von Menschenrechtsbildung in NS-Gedenkstätten zu entwickeln, Spannungsfelder und Potenziale herauszuarbeiten und schlussendlich Anregungen für die Weiterentwicklung der pädagogischen Praxis zu geben. Das Forschungsprojekt ist dementsprechend in der Praxisforschung zu verorten. Um die Fragestellung hinreichend zu bearbeiten, war eine Varianz an qualitativen Methoden erforderlich. So bilden Ergebnisse aus teilnehmender Beobachtung, Expertinneninterviews und Gruppendiskussionsverfahren die Datenbasis meiner Ausführungen. ; Learning from history means acting with historical awareness in both the present and future, making decisions taking knowledge of the past into account and developing greater sensitivity for current processes in the light of what has gone before. Contemporary relevance and subject relations are decisive prerequisites for learning about history. Without integrating the addressee's identity within the learning process, without any references to facts of significance of subjective importance to the learner, all educational efforts will fail to bear fruit. This problem is more relevant than ever as far as the historico-political education at memorial sites for holocaust victims is concerned. The pedagogical approach to holocaust memorial sites is currently facing an educational challenge in the light of the increasing chronological distance to the historical events and their multi-ethnic audience. Although a discussion of National Socialist history continues to constitute an important focus in both schools and the public domain, the results of empirical studies attest to significant gaps in knowledge. And, what's more, in an international comparison, German teenagers demonstrate considerably less interest in the National Socialist era than those from other countries. Instead of displaying an interest in this aspect of history, they react defensively and state that they are "sick and tired" of the topic. In the face of such developments, the question of the direction which the pedagogical approach to holocaust memorial sites will take in future arises. In order to integrate connections between past and present more deliberately, those involved in the running of holocaust memorial sites are considering placing a stronger focus on human rights education. The fusion of both disciplines is designed to provoke more intense contemporary historical discussion and thus prompt a subjectively significant learning process. The present research project concentrates on the question of the extent to which this approach can be implemented and on the areas of tension which may arise in the practice of memorial site education as a result. Human rights education at holocaust memorial sites - the concept sounds promising. The terms reflect precisely what one would expect of the historico-political education at holocaust memorial sites offered by a free and democratic constitution: the opportunity to learn lessons for the present from past crimes. This research project seeks to close a gap. Its aim is to develop a comprehensive model of human rights education at holocaust memorial sites, analyse areas of tension and potential and, finally, provide suggestions for the further development of educational practice. In consequence, the research project is located firmly within practical research. In order to answer the question posed in an adequate manner, diverse qualitative methods were required. It follows that results obtained via participatory observation, expert interviews and group discussion processes form the basis of my deliberations.
Bei aller Diversität und Variabilität der Körperbilder und Körperregimes, über die die Genese kollektiver Identität erfolgt, ist eine ihnen allen gemeinsame Dimension kaum zu übersehen: als sichtbare' Verkörperung des Imaginären der Nation werden ausschließlich weibliche Körperbilder eingesetzt. Plastisch lässt sich diese eigentümliche Politisierung des weiblichen Körpers an künstlerischen Darstellungen der Nation wie etwa an der französischen Marianne als Sinnbild Frankreichs, an der US-amerikanischen Freiheitsstatue oder aber an der bayerischen Bavaria nachvollziehen. Wie lässt sich diese spezifische (ethno-)nationalistische Funktionalisierung des weiblichen Körpers erklären? In welchem Verhältnis steht sie zum jeweiligen historischen Geschlechterdiskurs? Welchen psychosozialen Bedürfnissen kommt sie entgegen? Welche konkreten Folgen zieht sie für die Repräsentantinnen des "anderen Geschlechts" (S. de Beauvoir) nach sich? - diesen Fragen geht der erste Teil des vorliegenden Beitrags nach, während der zweite die "aufgerichteten" weiblichen Siegesallegorien im Nationalsozialismus genauer unter die Lupe nimmt. ; The starting point of this article is M. Foucault's conception of power according to which the different regimes of power are basically being embodied. With a particular focus on the female sculptural allegories of triumph during National Socialism it analyses their features in terms of their political and psychosocial functions shedding, en passant, light on the concrete implications and consequences for the representatives of "The Second Sex" (S. de Beauvoir).
In this article, we will analyse the National Socialist regime as a politico-constitutional reality. We will do it from a new way of looking at politico-constitutional phenomena, interpreting them as registered in a religious grounding. It seeks to show that the National Socialist regime was characterised by having identified the political community – a racially interpreted and raised community to the Absolute – with an empirical historic personality regarded as eminently communitarian. It suggests that the regime constitutes a sui generis case, either in a context of regimes conventionally classified as "right-wing authoritarian and/or totalitarian" or in a larger context of contemporary politics. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
