Suchergebnisse

在国际安全治理过程中,国际安全话语据有十分重要的位置。安全话语直接影响国家安全政策。同时,安全政策也需要通过话语来呈现。安全话语与安全政策之间是一个相互影响、相互塑造的关系,二者之间需要保持很好的平衡。从某种程度上讲,国际安全治理同样也存在安全话语的治理。中国作为正在上升的新兴大国,在国际安全治理进程中承担有重要责任,中国独特的国际安全话语将对国际安全治理产生积极影响。其中,中国提出的"人类命运共同体"理念就是一种独特的国际安全话语,其中所体现的安全观与西方传统安全理念中的安全困境、囚徒困境、零和博弈、结构性冲突甚至战争,或是权力政治和丛林法则、力量均衡等就大相径庭。然而,要让中国的国际安全话语对国际安全治理产生更大的影响,就要让世界真正理解中国人的思维方式和不同的秩序观、安全观,就要更有效地传播中国的国际安全治理理念和人类命运共同体理念。 International security discourse plays an important role in the process of international security governance. Security discourse has direct impacts on national security policies. However, security policies need to be presented through discourses. Security discourses and security policies are interdependent and intertwined. There should be a delicate balance between the two. To some extent, the governance of security discourse also exists in the governance of international security. As a rising power, China shares an important responsibility in the process of international security governance. China's unique international security discourse is meant to have a positive impact on international security governance. Among many others, "a community of a shared future for mankind" is a unique international security discourse. The security outlook presented by this discourse is different from the traditional security outlooks in the West, like security dilemma, prisoner's dilemma, zero-sum game, structural conflict, structural war, power politics and the law of the jungle and the balance of power. However, in order to increase the impacts of China's international security discourse on international security governance, China has to make the world better understand the Chinese way of thinking and unique outlooks on order and security. China also has to more effectively disseminate its ideas on international security governance and a community of a shared future for mankind.

This dissertation explores how younger-generation Malay Muslims in Malaysia enact Islamic piety through ethical practices of economic action in entrepreneurial business and finance. I look to key sites in urban Malaysia where Malay Muslims develop their understandings and practices of piety as economic action, and vice versa – in the fields of technology startup enterprise, venture capital, Islamic banking and finance, and in forms of consumer debt such as credit cards, personal loans, and home mortgages – in order to trace how they have emerged as ethical issues, and what kinds of grapplings they have engendered. The expansion of these economic sectors, loosely aggregated under the label of entrepreneurship and finance in Malaysia, represent comprehensive efforts by the Malaysian state to increase national wealth and re-allocate capital from the hands of historically affluent groups of ethnic minorities, such as the Chinese, to the hands of the nation's ethno-religious majority group, Malay Muslims. After more than 150 years of British colonial rule that ended in 1957, a newly independent Malaysia, led by pro-Malay Muslim political figures, was left struggling to come to terms with the economic disparity that resulted from colonial governance policies tying race to labor. The unevenness of this capital accumulation has created the conditions in which Islamic understandings of proper conduct in exchange and finance have come to be positioned in opposition with conventional (that is, non-Islamic) modes of commerce. I argue that Malay Muslims' understanding of economic action as ethical – and therefore as political – developed within these historical conditions as a result of their participation in social spaces such as Islamic study circles, where they are encouraged by scholars (and by one another) to reflect upon, evaluate, and make changes to the way that they engage with dominant forms of contemporary capitalism. Put into practice, these understandings and explorations of ethics in economic action have developed into projects of critique, reform, and intervention into the normative and taken-for-granted ways that capitalism is assumed to operate in their daily lives as entrepreneurs and financiers – as profit maximization, calculative logic, and interest. By dis-embedding the assumption in theories of economy that individuals maximize toward their own interests, these interventions make possible another economics grounded in Islamic ethics. Furthermore, I examine how the ability of today's younger-generation pious Muslims to critique and re-imagine the operations of capitalism in this manner – through articulations of its limitations, injustice, and oppression – is enabled by their familiarity with its normative forms, having come of age in a "financialized" Malaysia characterized by the primacy of investment logics and entrepreneurial merit. While younger-generation, middle-class Malay Muslims are critical of the neoliberal economic reforms initiated by the Malaysian state (as well as the growth of the financial and business sectors that resulted from these reforms), these critiques are often forged and articulated through pious practices of ethical self-cultivation that resonate with what some might call a form of neoliberal self-governance. But rather than assume that pious Muslims are therefore figures of "neoliberal piety" whose ethical attachments and practices remain epiphenomenal to their economic subjectivity, I hold this tension between the object of their critique and the mode of their critique, theorizing that it is hegemonic capitalism itself that contains within it these tools of critique, thereby making it possible to imagine and take action toward living a life outside of neoliberal capitalism. This dissertation therefore makes a key intervention within the study of Islamic piety by examining how, in its concentration on ethical economic practices, pious self-cultivation can be oriented toward not only affecting change within the self, but also toward eliciting ethical transformation within broader Muslim society.

Life cycle concept was applied to analyse and assess some municipal solid waste (MSW) management scenarios in terms of environmental impacts, particularised for Iasi city, Romania, where approximately 380 kg/cap/yr of waste are generated. Currently, the management processes include temporary storage, collection, transport and landfilling, but separate collection, sorting, recycling and composting of solid waste, which should be addressed according to the National Strategy and European policy for waste. Four different scenarios were elaborated as alternatives to the existing waste management system in Iasi, which include both previously applied and current waste management alternatives, as well as some advanced practices. The effectiveness of the scenarios was evaluated in terms of environmental impacts based on Life Cycle Analysis, supported by GaBi software. Some environmental impact categories (acidification, eutrophication, global warming, human toxicity, and photochemical ozone generation potentials, carcinogenic substances, heavy metals, winter smog, photochemical ozone formation) were estimated based on several impact assessment methods associated to GaBi software (CML 2001, CML 96, EDIP 2003, EI95). The study emphasises the importance of system boundaries for the life cycle impact assessment process and consequently – for the optimal waste management alternative. Santrauka Analizuojant ir vertinant komunalinių atliekų tvarkymo scenarijus buvo pritaikyta būvio ciklo koncepcija atsižvelgiant į daromą poveikį aplinkai, remiantis Jasai miesto, Rumunijoje, atveju. Šiame mieste susidaro apytiksliai 380 kg/žmogui/ metus atliekų. Šiuo metu atliekų tvarkymo procesą sudaro laikinos laikymo vietos, surinkimas, transportavimas ir deponavimas sąvartyne, bet pagal Nacionalinę strategiją ir Europos atliekų politiką atliekos turi būti rūšiuojamos, perdirbamos ir kompostuojamos. Todėl buvo detaliau išanalizuoti keturi skirtingi scenarijai kaip alternatyvos esamai atliekų tvarkymo sistemai Jasai mieste, įtraukiant prieš tai taikytas ir šiuo metu taikomas atliekų tvarkymo alternatyvas, taip pat pažangesnes praktikas. Scenarijų efektyvumas buvo vertinamas analizuojant aplinkosaugos aspektus remiantis būvio ciklo analize ir taikant GaBi programinę įrangą. Kai kurios poveikio aplinkai kategorijos (rūgštinimas, eutrofikacija, globalus atšilimas, žmonių apsinuodijimas, fotocheminis ozono susidarymo potencialas, kancerogeninės medžiagos, sunkieji metalai, žiemos smogas, fotocheminis ozono formavimasis) buvo vertinamos remiantis keletu poveikio įvertinimo aspektų, esančių GaBi programoje (CML 2001, CML 96, EDIP 2003, EI95). Atlikta studija pabrėžia sistemos ribų svarbą, vykdant poveikio vertinimą, taikant būvio ciklo procesą ir parenkant optimalią atliekų tvarkymo alternatyvą. Резюме При анализе и оценке сценариев по обработке коммунальных отходов с учетом их влияния на окружающую средув городе Ясай в Румынии, где приблизительно скапливается 380 кг/чел./ год отходов, применялась концепцияцикла существования. В настоящее время в процесс по обработке отходов вовлекаются временные места хранения, сбор, транспортировка и депонирование отходов на свалке. Однако на основании Национальной стратегии иЕвропейской политики, касаюшейся отходов, они должны сортироваться, перерабатываться и компостироваться.В связи с этим детально проанализированы четыре разных сценария в качестве альтернатив существующей в городе Ясай системе обработки отходов с использованием применявшихся ранее и применяемых в настоящее времяальтернатив по обработке отходов, а также прогрессивных практик. Эффективность сценариев оценивалась наосновании анализа природоохранных аспектов касательно анализа цикла существования и с применением программного оборудования GaBi. Некоторые категории влияния на окружающую среду (окисление, эутрофикация,глобальное потепление, отравление людей, фотохимический потенциал образования озона, канцерогенные вещества, тяжелые металлы, зимний смог, фотохимическое формирование озона) оценивались на основании нескольких аспектов влияния, имеющихся в программе GaBi (CML 2001, CML 96, EDIP 2003, EI95). Проведенный анализподчеркивает важность границ системы при оценке влияния и применении процесса цикла существования, а также подборе оптимальных альтернатив обработки отходов. Reikšminiai žodžiai:aplinka,GaBi,būvio ciklo vertinimas,kietosios atliekos,atliekų tvarkymo technologijos Ключевые слова:окружающая среда,GaBi,оценка цикла существования,твердые отходы,технологии обработки отходов

This dissertation investigates how political parties can undermine the representation of citizen interests in new democracies. Conventional wisdom has emphasized the centrality of parties in mediating the relationship between voters and politicians, and has often attributed the representational deficit observed across the developing world to the lack of stable partisan attachments or the ephemeral nature of political parties. I show that this may not be the case. To the contrary, under a political geography that enables political parties to repeatedly monopolize electoral support from voters in subnational elections, parties and the internal processes that govern their selection of candidates can function sever, rather than strengthen, the connection between voters and their representatives. My theory focuses on how conditions typical of many new democracies in Sub-Saharan Africa---local one party dominance and centralized control over candidate selection---shape the incentives of politicians to serve the interests of their constituents. Despite the institutionalization of competitive multiparty elections at the national level in new democracies, political parties are often able to consistently dominate their competitors in subnational elections. Under conditions of local one party dominance, politicians who contest local office become beholden to the selectorate which decides who the party's nominee will be, without much regard to the electorate. Yet for the party leader, who controls the selection of candidates within their parties, local politicians who amass an independent support base by serving the interests of their constituents pose a significant threat towards maintaining her position in the party hierarchy. I argue that the party leader selects candidates in a way that minimizes the risk of politicians building such an independent support base, encouraging responsiveness to constituents only in select locales where they are electorally vulnerable. As a result, politicians are incentivized to divert their effort and resources away from serving their constituents towards other activities that benefit the party leader. I support these claims using a multi-method research strategy that pieces together qualitative, quantitative, and experimental evidence based on 18 months of fieldwork in Kenya. I first combine insights from more than 70 politician interviews and analyses of nationally representative surveys and constituency-level electoral returns across six African democracies to establish that African parties often hold a monopoly on local power. Moreover, using detailed inquiry into the organization of political parties in Kenya and a series of experiments conducted among Kenyan primary voters, I also show that party leaders possess both the institutional tools and the persuasive influence over partisans that enable them to command control over the candidate selection process. Finally, I use supervised machine-learning methods on a large data set collected through web-crawling to document the existence of a nomination tournament, in which party leaders select candidates that invest significantly in "party-oriented" rather than "constituency-oriented" behavior over their terms in office. Substantively, the findings contribute to the emerging consensus that democratic elections are necessary but insufficient to foster better representation and responsiveness for the people. However, while the dominant narrative in the comparative politics has focused on structural-institutional factors such as ethnicity, clientelism, or electoral systems to understand this deficit, I shift the attention rightfully back to political parties. In fact, the conclusions of the dissertation suggest that ideal of "representative democracy" is likely to remain elusive unless democracy within political parties is realized. When power and authority over party institutions and decision-making processes accumulate to a single individual or a small group of elites, and without systematic checks to constrain their power, party leaders have the potential to effectively become autocrats within their domain; manipulating elected representatives who should primarily be interested in tending to their constituents to serve their political ambitions, thereby derailing democratic process that they should protect.

Much biodiversity data is collected worldwide, but it remains challenging to assemble the scattered knowledge for assessing biodiversity status and trends. The concept of Essential Biodiversity Variables (EBVs) was introduced to structure biodiversity monitoring globally, and to harmonize and standardize biodiversity data from disparate sources to capture a minimum set of critical variables required to study, report and manage biodiversity change. Here, we assess the challenges of a 'Big Data' approach to building global EBV data products across taxa and spatiotemporal scales, focusing on species distribution and abundance. The majority of currently available data on species distributions derives from incidentally reported observations or from surveys where presence-only or presence–absence data are sampled repeatedly with standardized protocols. Most abundance data come from opportunistic population counts or from population time series using standardized protocols (e.g. repeated surveys of the same population from single or multiple sites). Enormous complexity exists in integrating these heterogeneous, multi-source data sets across space, time, taxa and different sampling methods. Integration of such data into global EBV data products requires correcting biases introduced by imperfect detection and varying sampling effort, dealing with different spatial resolution and extents, harmonizing measurement units from different data sources or sampling methods, applying statistical tools and models for spatial inter- or extrapolation, and quantifying sources of uncertainty and errors in data and models. To support the development of EBVs by the Group on Earth Observations Biodiversity Observation Network (GEO BON), we identify 11 key workflow steps that will operationalize the process of building EBV data products within and across research infrastructures worldwide. These workflow steps take multiple sequential activities into account, including identification and aggregation of various raw data sources, data quality control, taxonomic name matching and statistical modelling of integrated data. We illustrate these steps with concrete examples from existing citizen science and professional monitoring projects, including eBird, the Tropical Ecology Assessment and Monitoring network, the Living Planet Index and the Baltic Sea zooplankton monitoring. The identified workflow steps are applicable to both terrestrial and aquatic systems and a broad range of spatial, temporal and taxonomic scales. They depend on clear, findable and accessible metadata, and we provide an overview of current data and metadata standards. Several challenges remain to be solved for building global EBV data products: (i) developing tools and models for combining heterogeneous, multi-source data sets and filling data gaps in geographic, temporal and taxonomic coverage, (ii) integrating emerging methods and technologies for data collection such as citizen science, sensor networks, DNA-based techniques and satellite remote sensing, (iii) solving major technical issues related to data product structure, data storage, execution of workflows and the production process/cycle as well as approaching technical interoperability among research infrastructures, (iv) allowing semantic interoperability by developing and adopting standards and tools for capturing consistent data and metadata, and (v) ensuring legal interoperability by endorsing open data or data that are free from restrictions on use, modification and sharing. Addressing these challenges is critical for biodiversity research and for assessing progress towards conservation policy targets and sustainable development goals. ; This paper emerged from the first two workshops of the Horizon 2020 project GLOBIS‐B (GLOBal Infrastructures for Supporting Biodiversity research; http://www.globis‐b.eu/). Financial support came from the European Commission (grant 654003). C. A. additionally received funding from the LifeWatchGreece infrastructure (MIS 384676), funded by the Greek Government under the General Secretariat of Research and Technology (GSRT), ESFRI Projects and National Strategic Reference Framework (NSRF). M. O. was supported by the Swedish LifeWatch project funded by the Swedish Research Council (Grant no. 829‐2009‐6278), and J.E. by the Australian Research Council (grant FT0991640).

National audience ; [Cette communication conserve à dessein le ton de l'intervention orale.] A l'heure de préparer cette intervention, son titre a failli être changé au profit de « La Convention de Genève pour les nuls ». Oh, pas vis-à-vis de l'auditoire… mais vis-à-vis des Etats qui l'ont ratifiée. Présenter la Convention de Genève en 15 minutes c'est : Dire qu'il s'agit du premier texte international, qui donne pour la première fois une définition universelle du réfugié (article 1) et une obligation négative fondamentale : l'interdiction du refoulement (article 33). Parler des critiques qu'on lui adresse pour la décrédibiliser. Attirez l'attention sur le fait que la majorité du texte se trouve dans une sorte d'angle mort. Présenter les ressources d'énergie trouvées par les Etats occidentaux pour la contourner, la distordre, la malmener. Dire qu'en dépit de ses faiblesses et de probables failles, il ne faut jamais, JAMAIS tenter d'y toucher ou de la renégocier (comme en atteste d'ailleurs l'échec du projet « Convention Plus » 1). Qu'en dépit des assauts qu'on lui porte, son article 33, celui qui pose le principe de non-refoulement, résiste. Dire, finalement, le constat d'échec que nous impose l'accord UE-Turquie s'agissant des fondamentaux du droit d'asile. Même s'il ne devait jamais être appliqué, ce qui n'est pas exclu, et même s'il ne s'agit pas d'un accord juridique à proprement parler, mais d'un « deal », d'un « plan politique », d'un « bully's agreement », il porte une atteinte considérable aux fondamentaux du droit d'asile et un coup presque fatal à la Convention de Genève. Je propose de tenter de livrer dans un premier temps un « plaidoyer pour la Convention de Genève » et dans un second temps… un « plaidoyer pour la Convention de Genève ». Mais avant cela, vous parler un peu du texte. Le droit international des réfugiés est l'aboutissement d'une mutation de l'asile, une institution millénaire inscrite dans une philosophie générale d'hospitalité, apparue sous forme principalement religieuse pour entrer peu à peu dans le domaine politique et devenir du droit d'asile souverain 2. En entrant sur la scène internationale, elle s'est effacée pour devenir « droit des réfugiés ». Avant la Convention de Genève, il n'existait pas de définition générale-encore moins universelle-du terme « réfugié ». La prise en charge des réfugiés était catégorielle et différents arrangements et Conventions ont émergé, surtout entre les deux guerres mondiales, pour gérer « au cas par cas » la protection juridique des réfugiés 3 , mais les évènements contraignant des personnes à fuir leur pays se sont considérablement accumulés et diversifiés après la seconde. L'article 14 de la Déclaration universelle des droits de l'homme de 1948 a certes proclamé que « Devant la persécution, toute personne a le droit de chercher asile et de bénéficier de l'asile en d'autres pays » 4 , mais, outre sa portée seulement déclaratoire, le texte 1 En 2002, le HCR lance et coordonne le projet « Convention Plus », supposé aller au-delà de la protection offerte par la Convention de 1951 et son protocole et se concentrer sur la recherche de solutions durables. Aucune nouvelle depuis 2004. Sur le site du HCR, le projet est présenté au passé. 2 Parmi les ouvrages consacrés à l'histoire de l'asile, voir Anne DUCLOUX, Ad ecclesiam confugere, Naissance du droit d'asile dans les églises (IV e siècle-milieu du V e siècle), éd. De Boccard, Paris, 1994, 320 p. ; Edigio REALE, Droit d'asile, RCADI, 1938, t. 1, pp. 460-601 ; ainsi que François CRÉPEAU, Droit d'asile-De l'hospitalité aux contrôles migratoires, Bruxelles, Bruylant, 1995, pp. 27-45. 3

The restoration of European rivers has been aligned with the Water Framework Directive, which promotes the concept of river continuity.This con cept was codified in French law in 2006, whereby it was termed "ecological continuity of rivers" and defined as the free movement of living organisms and the efficient transfer of natural sediments. Since the 2012 , the ecological continuity of rivers has been one of the most significant policy developments affecting rivers in the country. However, efforts to restore or establish ecological continuity have been met with problems, including the opposition of local residents, which have given rise to disagreements. In an effort to better understand these oppositions, this dissertation traces the socio-political origins of ecological continuity of rivers. We analyse how the construction of the concept and the development and implementation of the policy of the ecological continuity combined science and politics. After providing an analyzis of the history of the concept and the policy, we describe its various translations (European and French) in order to detail the evolution of scientific and political entanglements that have resulted in its application to French territory . The thesis adopts an approach that borrows from discursive analysis to explain different ways to interpret the ecological continuity of rivers through science (knowledge, expertises) and politics (entities , values ).The final part provides a fine-grainedanalysis of how public policy implements the removal or alteration of hydraulic workson rivers so as to realize ecological continuityin two French watersheds.The aim is to better understand the main reasonsof disagreementsand conflicts.Flowing from thecritical analysisof thesedifficulties, wepropose a conceptual tool to tackle main challenges involved implementing of ecological continuity and produce what we describe as a "territorial connectivity of rivers". ; Concept introduit dans la Loi sur l'Eau et les Milieux Aquatiques en 2006, la continuité écologique d'un cours d'eau (CECE) est considérée comme un moyen d'atteindre le (très) bon état écologique des masses d'eau dans le cadre de la mise en oeuvre de la Directive-Cadre sur l'Eau. Depuis les années 2010, les projets de restauration de la continuité écologique sont entrepris sur des cours d'eau en France. Certains font l'objet de vives oppositions venant ralentir, voire empêcher sa réalisation. La thèse analyse les origines socio-politiques de ce concept et de la politique publique de CECE afin de rechercher dans le passé des éléments explicatifs des difficultés de son application au présent. Elle cherche ainsi à savoir comment les élaborations du concept et de la politique publique de CECE ont cadré, par des mélanges de sciences et politiques, une manière particulière de produire une continuité sur les cours d'eau, laquelle est discutée et contestée par des acteurs dans le but de l'infléchir.Dans une première partie, nous proposons un récit de son élaboration durant la Directive-Cadre sur l'Eau, la Loi sur l'Eau et les Milieux Aquatiques et le Grenelle de l'Environnement n°1. Plusieurs traductions européennes et françaises sont présentées pour comprendre l'évolution de sa définition et de son cadrage. Dans un deuxième temps, nous menons une analyse des discours, utilisée pour rendre compte des diverses manières de présenter et d'interpréter ce concept. En proposant un examen de la controverse entre des acteurs à l'échelle nationale, nous faisons de premières propositions pour expliquer la conflictualité de ce concept. Par la suite, nous étudions la mise en oeuvre de la CECE sur plusieurs cours d'eau appartenant à deux bassins versants français (la Dordogne et la Têt) afin d'étudier les causes de désaccord entre les acteurs de terrain qui portent sur différents savoirs, valeurs, expertises et entités mobilisées pour composer ce projet de cours d'eau.Enfin, à la lumière des résultats de l'analyse, nous étudions ce que pourraient être les caractéristiques d'une CECE, davantage territorialisée et connectée aux attentes des acteurs locaux.

Open Government Data is the data made available free of charge by government entities and can be freely used, reused and redistributed by any person. Open Government Data Portals need to address a number of mechanisms so that society can effectively discover, extract, and utilize the data. The research focus is the identification of mechanisms that can increase transparency in Brazilian Open Government Data Portals. Through the use of scientific literature and the data collection with experts and users, 18 mechanisms have been proposed to increase the degree of transparency in Open Government Data Portals. The results showed that the evolution of the use and research on open data allowed the authenticity, irrefutability, integrity, compliance, breadth, reliability, comprehensibility, citizen participation, referential integrity, and connected data mechanisms to be added to the eight original mechanisms defined by the Open Government Working Group. The classification of these mechanisms and the definition of identifiers made it possible to evaluate the main Brazilian Open Data Portal (dados.gov.br). The criteria and ease of future reapplication will allow comparison with other national portals, serving as a benchmarking to public managers, stakeholders and researchers in the area. ; Los datos abiertos gubernamentales son la información disponible de forma gratuita por entidades gubernamentales, que puede ser libremente utilizada, reutilizada y redistribuida por cualquier persona. Los portales de datos abiertos gubernamentales deben seguir una serie de mecanismos para que la sociedad pueda realizar efectivamente el descubrimiento, la extracción y la utilización de los datos. El foco de esta investigación es la identificación de los mecanismos que amplían la transparencia en portales de datos abiertos de gobiernos brasileños. Por intermedio de la literatura científica y de la recopilación de datos con especialistas, se han propuesto 18 mecanismos que buscan ampliar el grado de transparencia en portales de datos abiertos gubernamentales. Los resultados demostraron que la evolución del uso y de investigaciones sobre datos abiertos posibilitaron agregar los mecanismos autenticidad, irrefutabilidad, integridad, conformidad, amplitud, confiabilidad, compresibilidad, participación ciudadana, integridad referencial y datos conectados a los ocho mecanismos originales definidos por el Open Government Working Group. La clasificación de esos mecanismos y la definición de identificadores posibilitaron evaluar el principal portal de datos abiertos del gobierno brasileño (dados.gov.br). Los criterios y facilidad de reaplicación futura permitirán la comparación con otros portales nacionales, sirviendo como una evaluación comparativa para los gestores públicos, las partes interesadas y los investigadores del área. ; Dados abertos governamentais (DAG) são aqueles disponibilizados de modo gratuito por entes governamentais e podem ser livremente utilizados, reutilizados e redistribuídos por qualquer pessoa. Os portais de DAG precisam atender a uma série de mecanismos para que a descoberta, a extração e o aproveitamento dos dados possam ser realizados de forma efetiva pela sociedade. O foco desta pesquisa abrange a identificação dos mecanismos que ampliam a transparência em portais de DAG brasileiros. Por intermédio da literatura científica e da coleta de dados com especialistas e usuários, foram propostos 18 mecanismos que visam a ampliar o grau de transparência em portais de DAG. Os resultados demonstraram que a evolução do uso e das pesquisas sobre dados abertos possibilitaram agregar os mecanismos de autenticidade, irrefutabilidade, integridade, conformidade, amplitude, confiabilidade, compreensibilidade, participação cidadã, integridade referencial e dados conectados aos 8 mecanismos originais definidos pelo Open Government Working Group (OGWG). A classificação desses mecanismos e a definição de identificadores possibilitaram avaliar o principal portal de DAG brasileiro: o . Os critérios e a facilidade de reaplicação futura possibilitam a comparação com os demais portais nacionais, servindo como um benchmarking para os gestores públicos, as partes interessadas e os pesquisadores da área.

Understanding democracy as D. Sartori as "an electoral polyarchy", the status of political elites depends on the level of popular support. The democratic values which should declare elites, become values of the people. But in the conditions of influence of regional elites which created their own political matrix at the all-Ukrainian level, understanding of democratic values was provincial. Therefore, they not only did not become nationwide, but led to a crisis in the political regime. Absence of the intention to find consensus resulted in absence and convergence of regional elites. And in spite of shadow agreements and the mechanisms of influence open of artificial declaring and the technology of destruction of competitors, political Ukraine elite was forced to concede Majdana's requirements.Political confrontation between regional elites during the reign of L. Kuchma has several stages. Initially, the victory in the election of a representative from Dnipropetrovsk led to the involvement of a resident of the city from the President's team. The long-standing confrontation between Dnipropetrovsk and Donetsk elites began, which ended with the appearance of Viktor Yanukovych. The Crimean regional elite, due to the secret intervention of Kiev, was focused on its own internal conflicts, which led to the destruction of the authoritative figure of Yu. Meshkov. The role of the Kharkiv regional elite, which became an influential lever of the President and its support in the parliament after 2002, has gradually increased. The constant struggle between Dnipropetrovsk and Donetsk, Kharkiv and Donetsk has led to confrontation with the Kiev elites with DonetskAnalyzing the activities of the political elite of the times of L. Kuchma, we can distinguish three groups that had a certain influence on the nature of the political regime's change: the ruling elite, the shadow elite and the counter-elite. Inside each group and between them there was no formation of uniform strategy, as each group had its own model of the idea of national state. Two main models which influence development of the democracy in transitional societies : the model of "pact" and the model "convergences" were not carried out in Ukraine. ; Розуміючи демократію за висловом Д. Сарторі як «виборчу поліархію», статус політичних еліт залежить від рівня народної підтримки. Демократичні цінності, які мають декларувати еліти, стають цінностями народу. Але в умовах впливу регіональних еліт, які створювали власну політичну матрицю на всеукраїнському рівні, розуміння демократичних цінностей було провінційним. Тому вони не тільки не стали загальнонаціональними, а і спричинили кризу політичного режиму. Відсутність бажання знаходити консенсус призвело до відсутності й конвергенції регіональних еліт. І попри тіньових зговорів та механізмів впливу, відкритого штучного декларування та технологій знищення конкурентів, політична еліта України вимушена була поступитися вимогам Майдану.Політичне протистояння між регіональними елітами за період правління Л. Кучми має кілька етапів. Спочатку перемога на виборах представника з Дніпропетровська призвела до залучення у команду Президента вихідців з цього міста. Почалося довготривале протистояння дніпропетровської та донецької еліт, яке закінчилося появою В. Януковича. Кримська регіональна еліта, завдяки прихованому втручанню Києва, була зосереджена на власних внутрішніх конфліктах, що призвело до знищення авторитетної фігури Ю. Мєшкова. Поступово зростає роль і харківської регіональної еліти, яка стала впливовим важелем Президента і його опорою у парламенті після 2002 р. Постійна боротьба між дніпропетровськими та донецькими, харківськими та донецькими, призвела до протистояння й київських еліт з донецькими.Аналізуючи діяльність політичної еліти часів Л. Кучми можна виділити три групи, які мали певний вплив на характер зміни політичного режиму: правляча еліта, тіньова еліта і контреліта. Усередині кожної групи так і між ними не відбулося формування єдиної стратегії, оскільки кожна група мала власну модель ідеї національної держави. Дві головні моделі, які впливають на розвиток демократії в перехідних суспільствах: модель «пакту» і модель «конвергенції» так і не були здійснені в Україні.

Introduction: the military training has been reformed to limit the risk of injuries and preserve the operational readiness of the Armed Forces. What is the current state of injuries related to the basic military training for soldiers and non-commissioned officers of the french army ? Methods: this prospective observational study was performed from January to June 2017 at the soldiers training center of Angoulême and the non-commissioned officers school of Saint-Maixent. Each recruit who was medically fit and had consented to participate was included for 12 weeks from the beginning of his training, after receiving a written information. Biometric data of each subject were collected. Recruits filled out at the beginning, middle and end of the training an overtraining standardized questionnaire. Consultations for traumatological reason were gathered by physicians thanks to a descriptive sheet. Results: 346 soldier recruits and 333 non-commissioned officers recruits were included. The incidence of traumatological consultation was respectively 16,76% and 15,8%. The injuries caused respectively an average of 7,71 and 13,24 days of unavaibility, and respectively 2% and 3% of permanent stops of the training. Walking and running were the most responsible activities. The lower limb was the most affected. Overuse injuries represented 60,4% of the lesions. Tendinopathies constituted a third of the diagnosis. The female gender and an overtraining score higher than 15 were associated with a significantly increased risk of injury. Discussion: the application of the new principles of the military training helped to limit injuries, but it has to be strengthened. The time spent on running should be reduced in favor of multifunctional activities. All the military members must be taught the principles of a « healthy » sportive practice. The overtraining questionnaire might be a way to identify trainees at high risk of injury. ; Introduction : l'entrainement militaire a été réformé pour limiter les risques de blessure et maintenir une bonne capacité opérationnelle. Quel est l'état des lieux actuel des blessures liées à la formation militaire initiale des militaires du rang et sous-officiers de l'armée de terre ? Méthodes : cette étude observationnelle prospective s'est déroulée de janvier à juin 2017 au centre de formation initiale des militaires du rang d'Angoulême et à l'école nationale de sous-officiers d'active de Saint-Maixent. Chaque élève apte médicalement et consentant a été inclus pendant 12 semaines depuis le début de sa formation, après remise d'une information écrite. Les données biométriques de chacun ont été mesurées. Chaque sujet a rempli en début, milieu et fin de formation un questionnaire de surentrainement standardisé. Les consultations pour motif traumatologique ont été recueillies par les médecins à l'aide d'une fiche descriptive. Résultats : ont été inclus 346 militaires du rang et 333 sous-officiers. L'incidence des consultations de traumatologie était respectivement de 16,76% et 15,8. Les blessures ont entrainé respectivement en moyenne 7,71 et 13,24 jours d'indisponibilité, et 2% et 3% d'arrêts définitifs de formation. La marche et la course étaient les activités les plus en cause et le membre inférieur le plus touché. Les lésions d'hypersollicitation représentaient 60,4% des cas, et la tendinopathie un tiers des diagnostics. Le sexe féminin et un score de surentrainement supérieur à 15 étaient associés significativement à un risque de blessure. Discussion : l'application des nouveaux principes de l'entrainement militaire a permis une diminution d'incidence des blessures mais elle est à renforcer. Le temps de course doit être diminué au profit d'activités plus polyvalentes. Il faut inculquer aux militaires les principes d'une pratique sportive « saine ». Le questionnaire de surentrainement peut être utilisé pour cibler les individus les plus à risque.

The movement "new left" arose in Western Europe and the USA in the 1960-ies under the influence of the split in the world Communist movement following the events of 1956, the twentieth Congress of the CPSU (Communist Party of the Soviet Union) when it is the prevailing leftist anarchist and Trotskyist ideas. The new left protested against the Stalinist variant of socialism and the Stalinization of Eastern Europe, the hard political structuring and centralization of socialism, lack of spirituality of the "consumer society", the anonymity of mass culture, the unification of human personality. Advocated "direct democracy", freedom of expression, non-conformism and club-a discussion of the political culture. The intellectual center of the "new left" was the magazine "New Left Review". The Central themes of the journal were the issues of updates of the Marxist theory, labor and trade Union movement, the analysis of numerous forms of anti-capitalist protest, the national liberation and anti-imperialist movements, ethno-religious, gender, psychological and linguistic-cultural research, philosophical analysis of the various aspects of the Central problem of modernity, namely the ratio of government and people. ; El movimiento "nueva izquierda" surgió en Europa occidental y Estados Unidos en la década de 1960 bajo la influencia de la división en el movimiento comunista mundial después de los acontecimientos de 1956, el vigésimo Congreso del PCUS (Partido Comunista de la Unión Soviética) cuando es el anarquista izquierdista prevaleciente y las ideas trotskistas. La nueva izquierda protestó contra la variante estalinista del socialismo y la estalinización de Europa del Este, la estructuración política dura y la centralización del socialismo, la falta de espiritualidad de la "sociedad de consumo", el anonimato de la cultura de masas, la unificación de la personalidad humana. Abogaba por la "democracia directa", la libertad de expresión, el inconformismo y el club: una discusión sobre la cultura política. El centro intelectual de la "nueva izquierda" fue la revista "New Left Review". Los temas centrales de la revista fueron los temas de las actualizaciones de la teoría marxista, el movimiento sindical y sindical, el análisis de numerosas formas de protesta anticapitalista, la liberación nacional y los movimientos antiimperialistas, etno-religiosos, de género, psicológicos y la investigación lingüístico-cultural, el análisis filosófico de los diversos aspectos del problema central de la modernidad, a saber, la relación entre el gobierno y las personas. ; O movimento "nova esquerda" emergiu na Europa Ocidental e nos Estados Unidos na década de 1960, sob a influência da divisão no movimento comunista mundial após os acontecimentos de 1956, o XX Congresso do PCUS (Partido Comunista da União Soviética) quando ele é o anarquista esquerdista predominante e as idéias trotskistas. New Left protestaram contra a versão stalinista do socialismo e da desestalinização da Europa de Leste, a estruturação política dura e centralização do socialismo, a falta de espiritualidade da "sociedade de consumo", o anonimato da cultura de massa, a unificação da personalidade humana. Ele defendeu a "democracia direta", a liberdade de expressão, a não-conformidade e o clube: uma discussão sobre a cultura política. O centro intelectual da "nova esquerda" foi a revista "New Left Review". As questões centrais da revista foram os temas das atualizações da teoria marxista, e etno religiosa, sexo, associação psicológica e movimento sindical, a análise de numerosas formas de protesto anti-capitalista, libertação nacional e dos movimentos anti-imperialistas, e Pesquisa linguístico-cultural, a análise filosófica dos vários aspectos do problema central da modernidade, ou seja, a relação entre o governo e as pessoas.

Every nation who wants to stand firm and know clearly where the goal is to achieve it requires a view of life. With this view of life a nation will look at the problems it faces and determine the direction and the way how to solve these problems. Without a view of life then a nation will feel vacillated in facing big problems that will surely arise, both the problems within the community itself, as well as the big problems of human beings in the association of the peoples of the nations of the world. With a clear view of life a nation will have guidance and guidance on how it solves the political, economic, social and cultural problems arising in the advancing societies. By referring to the view of life that also a nation will build itself. As the philosophy of the state, of course Pancasila there who formulate it. Pancasila is indeed the greatest gift of Allah SWT and it turns light for all the Indonesian people in the future, both as a guideline in fighting for independence, as well as a unifying tool in the life of national harmony, as well as a view of life for everyday Indonesian human life, and which has clearly been expressed as the basis and philosophy of the Republic of Indonesia. Pancasila has existed in all forms of Indonesian people's life, except for those who are not Pancasila. Pancasila was born June 1, 1945, set on August 18, 1945 together with the 1945 Constitution. The correct sounds and speech of Pancasila based on Presidential Instruction No. 12 of 1968 is one, Belief in the One Supreme. Two, a just and civilized humanity. Three Unity Indonesia. Four, Democracy led by the wisdom of wisdom in deliberations / representation. And fifth, social justice for all the people of Indonesia. ; Setiap bangsa yang ingin berdiri kokoh dan mengetahui dengan jelas ke arah mana tujuan yang ingin dicapainya sangat memerlukan pandangan hidup. Dengan pandangan hidup inilah sesuatu bangsa akan memandang persoalan-persoalan yang dihadapinya dan menentukan arah serta cara bagaimana memecahkan persoalan-persoalan tadi. Tanpa memiliki pandangan hidup maka suatu bangsa akan merasa terombang-ambing dalam menghadapi persoalan-persoalan besar yang pasti akan timbul, baik persoalan-persoalan di dalam masyarakatnya sendiri, maupun persoalan-persoalan besar umat manusia dalam pergaulan masyarakat bangsa-bangsa di dunia ini. Dengan pandangan hidup yang jelas sesuatu bangsa akan memiliki pegangan dan pedoman bagaimana ia memecahkan masalah-masalah polotik, ekonomi, sosial dan budaya yang timbul dalam gerak masyarakat yang makin maju. Dengan berpedoman pada pandangan hidup itu pula suatu bangsa akan membangun dirinya. Sebagai falsafah negara, tentu Pancasila ada yang merumuskannya. Pancasila memang merupakan karunia terbesar dari Allah SWT dan ternyata cahaya bagi segenap bangsa Indonesia di masa-masa selanjutnya, baik sebagai pedoman dalam memperjuangkan kemerdekaan, juga sebagai alat pemersatu dalam hidup kerukunan berbangsa, serta sebagai pandangan hidup untuk kehidupan manusia Indonesia sehari-hari, dan yang jelas tadi telah diungkapkan sebagai dasar serta falsafah negara Republik Indonesia. Pancasila telah ada dalam segala bentuk kehidupan rakyat Indonesia, terkecuali bagi mereka yang tidak Pancasilais. Pancasila lahir 1 Juni 1945, ditetapkan pada 18 Agustus 1945 bersama-sama dengan UUD 1945. Bunyi dan ucapan Pancasila yang benar berdasarkan Inpres Nomor 12 tahun 1968 adalah satu, Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa. Dua, Kemanusiaan yang adil dan beradab. Tiga, Persatuan Indonesia. Empat, Kerakyatan yang dipimpin oleh hikmat kebijaksanaan dalam permusyawaratan/perwakilan. Dan kelima, Keadilan sosial bagi seluruh rakyat Indonesia.

Sponsorship represents very important source of finances for many sports organizations. The aim of the article is to analyze structural elements of sponsorship contract and to propose a proper definition of a sponsorship contract, while leaning on the many sources of comparative law. The review of foreign legislation shows that not one country has yet legally enacted the sponsorship contract. Some legislation regulate sponsorship in an indirect way using common rules of contractual law or some elements of other contracts, which are already well known and regulated by legal systems. In determining the validity of the arguments cited by the individual authors in the literature our aim is to come to some conclusions which have been summarized in following parts of this article. It seems that the Code of sponsorship of the International Chambers of Commerce (ICC) gives the real foundation which can be useful for different sport organizations. Following the ICC International Code on Sponsorship, the definition of a sponsorship agreement "is any commercial agreement by which a sponsor, for the mutual benefit of the sponsor and a sponsored party, contractually provides financing or other support in order to establish an association between the sponsor's image, brands or products and a sponsorship property in return for the rights to promote this association and/or for the granting of certain agreed direct or indirect benefits." Brand of the sponsor, identification with the property of the sponsored subject, commercial agreement, right to promote and mutual benefit are the vital components of a sponsorship contract which are contained in the ICC definition. We also believe that in the future, this definition could lead to the right definition for a possible codification of a sponsorship contract on the national level. At the same time it is important to mention the special characteristic of the specific value of the sponsored subject contained in a sponsorship contract. From the angle of the sponsor this value can be compared with a special and characteristic element of the sponsored subject which brings to the sponsor a very precious value /"pretium affectionis"/ and is consequently extremely important in a rational economic decision of a sponsor to sign a sponsorship contract. Taking into account that all these elements represent the "causa" of a sponsorship contract the position of the sponsor could be defined as the tendency to identify with the value of the sponsored party, with the aim to further manifest itself by promoting these links, both of which lead to the goal of a sponsor to raise or improve its image in public or in a society. The essential challenge of the sponsor is to manage to change the opportunity into the advantage given in the contract relationship. Opportunities should be taken from the challenges which are given to the sponsor and this represents the original motive of the sponsor to sign a sponsorship contract. ; Sponzorstvo predstavlja vrlo važni izvor financiranja velikog broja sportskih organizacija. Cilj ovog članka je analiza strukturalnih elemenata ugovora o sponzoriranju te imajući u vidu različite izvore iz komparativnog prava prijedlog ispravne definicije ugovora o sponziriranju. Uvid u strano zakonodavstvo nam pokazuje da nema države koja ima legalno oblikovani ugovor o sponzoriranju. Neka zakonodavstva reguliraju sponzorstvo neizravno koristeći opća pravila ugovornog prava ili pojedine elemente drugih ugovora koji već postoje i koje pravni sistemi već regfuliraju. Cilj je autora ovog teksta da zauzimajući stav o valjanosti argumentacije pojedinih autora dođu do vlastitog zaključka. U tom smislu ukazuju na Pravila o sponzorstvu ICC-a (Međunarodne trgovinske komore) koja mogu biti od koristi za različite sportske organizacije.

1. Theme Drought is increasingly becoming an issue in Austria, both in regions with a traditionally arid climate, and elsewhere. Farmers operate in a very complex decision space between nature, market and public regulation, and drought risk is only one among many threats they have to manage. Indeed, only few risk management options are available that directly address drought, such as irrigation, and many more, which reduce drought risk as a positive side-effect, such as certain tillage practices. It is thus interesting to understand the role droughts play in the intricate management of a farm; the strategies farmers apply to manage potential negative impacts; as well as the underlying drivers. Beyond economic factors, empirical research suggests risk perception and personal coping capacity as influential to adaptive behavior. Personal values and worldviews additionally shape behavior in the face of complex decisions. At the same time the available private and public offers supporting risk management may be decisive for ultimate strategic behavior. This is relevant for developing sustainable, effective, and socially acceptable policies that reflect the heterogeneous profiles of Austrian farmers. 2. Method We conducted over 40 face-to-face interviews with farmers, following a semi-structured interview protocol. The aim was to collect detailed individual narratives on risk management strategies, and underlying motivations, with a specific focus on the role of droughts. Moreover, we intended to identify perceptions and preferences with respect to public and private policies and risk management instruments, particularly subsidized drought insurance. Better than standardized methods semi-structured interviews are suited to explore the details and nuances of farmer's choices with respect to risk management, which often are decisive when choices need to be made. They allow us to collect more intricate information, which we need to deduce worldviews. Such methods are particularly important for emerging policy issues, which are insufficiently understood, in this case drought risk management, which are insufficiently understood in countries. The geographical focus of the data collection is on the Northeast and East of Austria. The farm-level study is embedded in an analysis of relevant regional, national, and EU agricultural policy relying on document analysis, and key-informant interviews. 3. Results Currently, drought is still not a major concern of Austrian farmers, such as most weather and climate related risks, which have been part of farm-live and risk management for a long time. It is therefore difficult to identify all relevant direct and indirect risks management mechanisms, as many are not perceived as such. Most certainly, we can identify a trend in crop selection and diversification that reflects increasingly common choices for more heat tolerant crops, such as sorghum, or crops avoiding dry periods, such as winter crops. Moreover, sustainable soil management is widely practiced. Financial instruments for risk management, including insurance, are not actively sought and employed, particularly not by small farmers. Especially in the case of droughts, insurance is nothing farmers rely on. Reference values and calculation methods for drought compensation seem to be unsatisfactory for all farmers. As a consequence, public support will have to go beyond risk financing tools. However, to date drought has played only a marginal role in agricultural policy. Identifying the relevant entry points, synergies and trade-offs for drought risk management remains an important task. Public and private actors need to coordinate, and promote available management options, and follow-up with adequate support.

Bu çalışma, mülteci hareketinin ev sahibi devlet ve nüfusunun üzerindeki etkileriyle alakalı karmaşık soruları, ve ev sahibi ülkeye doğru gerçekleşen beklenmedik "mülteci" akınıyla ilgili soruları, bir sosyal bilimcinin tarafsız bakış açısıyla ele almayı ve incelemeyi hedeflemektedir. Daha somut bir ifadeyle çalıĢmanın konusu, 2011-2013 yılları arasında Türkiye"de kademeli olarak gelişen Suriye mülteci meselesinin genel niteliğini analiz etmektir. Özellikle mülteci statüsü verilmesi yerine Suriyelilerin geçici koruma altına alınması, bu politik adımın yasallığı açısındançok tartıĢmalı bir konu. Öte yandan, Türkiye"nin göç ve iltica sisteminin genel reformunun da Suriyeliler üzerinde çok olumlu bir etkisi olduğu kabul edilmelidir. Bu kapsamda, Yabancılar ve Uluslararası Koruma Kanunu"ndan bahsetmek gerekir. Araştırma teorik ve pratik olmak üzere iki bölümden oluşmaktadır. Teorik bölüm; Türkiye"nin göç ve iltica sisteminin tarihine ve Suriyeli mülteciler konusuna odaklanmaktadır. Tabi ki teorik bölümün yukarıda söz edilen iki konuyla ilgili akademik tartıĢmaları yansıtması amaçlanmaktadır. Son olarak, çalışmanın esas bölümü, sivil toplum temsilcileriyle şahsen yapılan görüşmelere dayanan pratik kısımdır. Bu bölüm, Türkiye"deki sivil toplumunun Suriyeli mülteci meselesi hakkındaki genel algısını yansıtmayı hedeflemektedir. Elbette ki pratik bölümün sorunla ilgili daha derin bir kavrayış kazandırması ve sivil toplumu çözüm bulma sürecine dahil etmesi planlanmaktadır. Ayrıca bu bölüm, Türk sivil toplum temsilcilerine meseleye bakıĢlarını ifade etme imkanı vermeyi ve Türkiye"deki Suriyeli mülteciler sorununa sürdürülebilir ve dengeli çözüm bulmada bir ön koĢul olan ulusal bir diyaloğa katkıda bulmayı amaçlamaktadır. --- The aim of the research is to examine the complex questions related to the impacts of the refugee movement on the host state and its population from a neutral point of view of a social scientist and to address the crucial questions which arise as a result of a sudden, unexpected mass influx of "refugees" into the host country.More concretely, the research work is supposed to analyse the overall nature of the Syrian "refugee" issue in Turkey which has gradually evolved since 2011, 2012-2013 respectively. Particularly the fact that Syrians have been placed under temporary protection, instead of being granted a proper refugee status, is a very disputable issue raising a wide range of questions over the legality of this political step. Meanwhile, it must be acknowledged that the overall reformation of Turkey´s migration and asylum system has had a very positive impact on Syrians as well. In particular, the introduction of the Law on Foreigners and International Protection is worth appraisal.The research is composed of two parts, i.e. the theoretical and the practical one. The theoretical part is the outcome of the academic researches focusing on the history of Turkey´s migration and asylum system, and the Syrian "refugee" issue respectively. Indeed, the theoretical part is supposed to mirror general academic reflections on the two above mentioned subjects.The prior attention should be drawn particularly to the second, i.e. the practical part which is based on the interviews personally conducted with the representatives of the civil society.In comparison to the first part, the practical part is aimed to mirror general perception of Turkish civil society with regards to the Syrian "refugee" issue. Indeed, the practical part is supposed to intermediate a more in-dept insight into the question and to involve the civil society in the solutionfinding process. Moreover, the aim of the practical part is to let the representatives of Turkish civil society express their points of view and to contribute to a national dialogue which, in fact, is a precondition for finding a balanced and sustainable solution to the Syrian "refugee" issue in Turkey.