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In 1988, when most of the research for this article was conducted, Sudanese were still permitted by the state to debate strategies for democratic change. An air of intellectual and political excitement generated by the 1985 intifada (the overthrow by civilians of the oppressive Nimieri military dictatorship) still prevailed and debate over the advantages and disadvantages of an Islamic state and accompanying sharia was intense. Dozens of newspapers were active, as were both radio and television; unions, professional associations, political parties and interest groups assembled frequently. Two women were elected to the People's Assembly, and the long‐dormant Sudanese Women's Union was once again active. These were heady times, not dissimilar to the immediate post‐independence atmosphere or of the 1964 democratic era following the overthrow of the Abboud military regime. But the atmosphere changed abruptly with the demise of democratic processes in 1989 and the establishment of a right‐wing Islamic military government. Though the brief democratic era from 1985 to 1989 may have ended, the nature of debate within it remains of considerable significance, not just for Sudan, but for other settings where Islam is or may become a factor in the political process, figuring in discussions about both democracy and gender relations. The concern here is to focus on one group active in Sudan during the democratic era — the National Islamic Front (NIF) — in order to explore the gender dynamics that both brought it to power and are sustaining it. It is argued that the NIF was an integral part of the political forces set in motion during that period, the consummation of which is an Islamist regime that trained women for the 'revolution' and is now betraying them.

ABSTRACT
This article adopts a Gramscian approach to exploring the political economy behind the rise and fall of the National Islamic Front (NIF) in Sudan. It traces the NIF's rise from the 1960s, with particular attention to the class character of its hegemonic project and shifting ideology. Reading its reign through the lens of minimal hegemony, it critically explores how neoliberal restructuring produced a narrow but powerful ruling bloc at the expense and marginalisation of different social groups, and how shifts in international relations intertwined with social transformations across Sudan to reproduce new forms of dependency. Paying attention to the uneven nature of capitalist development and resulting antagonisms during this period, it explores why the NIF was unable to forge an integral hegemony, ending with the crisis of authority that overthrew Bashir and the emergence of social forces that continue to contest its cultural, political and economic project.

This article examines the highly charged and complex confluence of politics and religion in the life of the Sudanese society and state, surveying the period from the late nineteenth century until the early twenty-first century. While tracing the major oscillations of Islamic radicalism in the Sudanese context, both prior to and in the wake of independence, this article focuses on two different developments: the Mahdiyya revolution (1881-98) and the decade-long 'Turabiyya' phenomenon in the 1990s. Nevertheless, the impact of these two movements on the moulding of Sudanese society exceeds these specific time periods. Although sharing a number of values, goals and characteristics in common, the Mahdiyya and 'Turabiyya' differ profoundly from one another and are clearly asymmetric in their scope, essence and impact. This article places particular emphasis on the 'Turabiyya' phenomenon, still a relatively unexplored field of research at the juncture of religion and politics in Sudan. (J North Afr Stud)

The aim of this book is to explain the genesis and objectives of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) and the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) as well as the ways and means of achieving those objectives. It includes the following: (1) the first proclamation of the SPLM/SPLA defining the Movement's national character and objectives; (2) the series of speeches given by the Chairman of the Movement, John Garang de Mabior, before Nimeiri's downfall; (3) declarations by the Movement immediately after the fall of Nimeiri outlining the Movement's interpretation of that event and its vision of the way ahead; (4) exchanges between the SPLM leadership and the Khartoum political forces and politicians after Nimeiri's downfall; (5) peace proposals put forward by the SPLM subsequent to the nation's return to civilian rule; and (6) policy statements and agreements with opposition groups following the military take-over by the National Islamic Front (NIF) in June 1989. (DÜI-Hff)

Political change in Sudan gathered momentum after 1989, with the government introducing policies of control and restriction on the one hand, and an increasing number of civil society organisations seeking to establish and legitimise their (autonomous) identity and secure their continued existence on the other. This article concentrates uniquely on Sudanese non-governmental organisations and civil society (notably community-based organisations), focusing on the regime's institutions and social organisation and social and political opposition to the regime. It shows how the Islamic movement uses religion and power to sustain and protect a political system which has lost its credibility and legitimacy among many Sudanese. The article focuses on the rise of the National Islamic Front from a small political party, through a period as the third political force after the election of 1986, to a ruling party in the wake of the military coup of 1989. It discusses structures and processes of rule under the National Islamic Front, as well as the causes leading to the failure of its own Islamic project in the country. It suggests that the rise of an Islamic movement in Sudan is itself a reflection of a decline in local or grassroots initiatives for social change, and summarises relations between the National Islamic Front and non-governmental/citizen-based organisations. It concludes that even in the absence of democracy, and under a brutal authoritarian regime, non-governmental organisations can engage effectively and contribute to social and economic change, particularly those affecting the marginalised poor, by raising issues of concern about, and promoting alternatives to, political Islam.

Interview mit dem ehemaligen Innenminister und führenden Politiker der "Islamic National Front"-Partei, Ahmed Abdel Rahman Mohamed, über die innenpolitische Situation im Sudan, über die Ziele seiner Partei, über das Südsudanproblem und über seine außenpolitischen Positionen. (DÜI-Asd)