Suchergebnisse

Nenad Miscevic's Nationalism and Beyond: Introducing Moral Debate about Values (New York: CEU Press, 2001) is reviewed. Of the book's three parts, part 1 describes nationalism as a political program; part 2 discusses the relationship between culture, identity, & tradition; & part 3 proposes cosmopolitanism as an alternative to nationalism. The review focuses on Miscevic's debunking of the intellectual, political, cultural, & moral arguments advanced by proponents in favor of nationalism; the various arguments are presented & Miscevic's criticism is supported. It is concluded that the author's ethical-political argumentation against nationalism is very convincing, but his treatment of the relationship between the individual & society seems to be too general & perfunctory. 2 References. Z. Dubiel

The author analyzes two different views of nationalism, Arendt's & Kedourie's. Arendt focuses on the link between racism, nationalism, & imperialism. According to her, nationalism differs from totalitarianism, which represents a more recent development. Kedourie sets out from Acton's critique of the French revolution & concludes that radical nationalism is a product of Franco-German national tensions. Finally, the author offers both concepts as his contribution to an easier understanding of the antagonisms that brought about the war on the territory of the former Yugoslavia. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the position of Croatia following the Dayton accord. These accords have secured the integrity of Bosnia & Herzegovina, based on the consociational principle as stipulated by Arend Lijphart. However, fierce integrational nationalisms still rage in B&H; & they spill over into neighboring states where they create military & political instability. In Croatia, populist & vindictive nationalism is on the wane, but not so the original democratic nationalism. The latter is manifested in its twin tasks: to join the union of European states & to continue the unification of the entire Croatian ethnic corpus. The first brand of nationalism has been trying to ensure a place for Croatia in the Council of Europe in order to escape the trap of a community of Balkan states as envisaged by Eurostrategists & their latest "globally regional European" policy. Thus, the post-Dayton Croatia will be marked by fault lines & conflicts between these two types of nationalisms; one, pro-European & the other integrational (aimed at bringing together the entire Croatian ethnos). 21 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the predictions of the demise of socialism in the works of H. Arendt, T. Parsons, & R. Dahrendorf. He also enumerates enduring elements on which nationalism has relied upon in modern spiritual history, defines nationalism, & looks into its influence on the Croatian political system. The author focuses on the political significance of nationalism & cautions against its dangers unless reined in by the institutions of the state of law. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the predictions of the demise of socialism in the works of H. Arendt, T. Parsons, & R. Dahrendorf. He also enumerates enduring elements on which nationalism has relied upon in modern spiritual history, defines nationalism, & looks into its influence on the Croatian political system. The author focuses on the political significance of nationalism & cautions against its dangers unless reined in by the institutions of the state of law. Adapted from the source document.

This brief note introduces three Croatian translations presented in this journal issue of articles by German authors & identifies the source from which they were taken. Focus is on the pertinence of these essays on patriotism, nationalism, homeland, & state to the current situation in Croatia where both the political Left & Right are zealously engaged in building a state based on unconditional love for the country & its identification with an ethnically homogeneous nation. The nationalism of Nazi Germany & post-Yugoslavian Croatia are also compared. Z. Dubiel

Nationalism is sometimes said to be too varied a phenomenon to be easily defined, let alone reduced to the generalizations of political theory. One analyst, after studying the subject over a lifetime without being able to pin it down, threw up his hands & observed that a nation is any group of people who think themselves to be one. Democracy too is a controversial term, differing in ancient & modern usage & all the more ambiguous because of its cynical misappropriation by autocratic regimes. Despite these difficulties, both concepts denote forces too important to modern history to be excluded from theoretical scrutiny. The present inquiry will propose a framework for analysis, focus on the US as a leading protagonist of both forces, & conclude by considering their interaction in a changing world order -- marked, paradoxically, by the conflicting pressures of "globalization" & demands for the preservation of separate spheres of identity. Thematically, it will suggest that civic or political nationalism, as distinct from other potentially more malevolent forms, is compatible with democracy & a useful instrument of collective action, domestic & interstate, but that all forms of nationalism can pose serious dangers if taken to an extreme. Adapted from the source document.

Nationalism is sometimes said to be too varied a phenomenon to be easily defined, let alone reduced to the generalizations of political theory. One analyst, after studying the subject over a lifetime without being able to pin it down, threw up his hands & observed that a nation is any group of people who think themselves to be one. Democracy too is a controversial term, differing in ancient & modern usage & all the more ambiguous because of its cynical misappropriation by autocratic regimes. Despite these difficulties, both concepts denote forces too important to modern history to be excluded from theoretical scrutiny. The present inquiry will propose a framework for analysis, focus on the US as a leading protagonist of both forces, & conclude by considering their interaction in a changing world order -- marked, paradoxically, by the conflicting pressures of "globalization" & demands for the preservation of separate spheres of identity. Thematically, it will suggest that civic or political nationalism, as distinct from other potentially more malevolent forms, is compatible with democracy & a useful instrument of collective action, domestic & interstate, but that all forms of nationalism can pose serious dangers if taken to an extreme. Adapted from the source document.

(Originally published in German in the journal Wandlungen [1947, 2, 6], & later as a chapter in the book "Ich wunschte ein Burger zu sein." Neun Versuche uber den Staat [("I Wanted to Be a Citizen." Nine Essays on the State) Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1967]). First the author discusses the distinction between the homeland & the country. Although a country is not a homeland, nevertheless the attitude of an individual to it is not a natural fact since it contains a spiritual dimension. On the other hand, the notion of the homeland -- besides its political/spiritual elements -- contains a natural element. The author investigates the attitudes that we have towards our homeland & how they can be regulated by law. He claims that only the civil constitution is the homeland constitution, ie, that there is no homeland in despotism. He then uses the example of Prussia, where patriotic sentiments emerged without the republican institutions. The military replaced the republic, & the love for the homeland turned into the willingness to serve & sacrifice, & not into the "love of law." The author promotes the concept of the homeland that is neither nature nor idea but a medium of our own free activity that reinforces the good. One need not serve the homeland as an underling but can manifest their love of it in an informed & free discussion among citizens about the concepts of the just & the unjust. In this way the notion of the homeland is linked not only to the written constitution but to the working constitution in which the citizens partake daily & thus amplify it. Adapted from the source document.

This article's starting point is the fact that the modern state emerged in the course of the French revolution. The author looks into the political consequences of the creation of the modern state & nationalism. His thesis is that it is not possible to provide a general definition of these two phenomena, since their role & the theoretical foundations can be grasped only within a social & historical context. The author first expounds on the historical role of the nation in the formation of the French, American, & German states, & then goes on to explain the systematic role of the creation of nation in the formation of modern societies. In closing, the author applies his theoretical model of nation research to Croatia. 8 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the denotative, the connotative, & the metrical meaning of the term national feeling. Then he goes on to talk about the national feeling of Croats who used to have many problems connected with national identification. Their patriotism was channeled towards the creation of their own state. Because of that they were accused of nationalism, chauvinism, & genocidal tendencies. Despite that, they opted for a state of their own, managed to defend it from the armed aggression of a numerically & technically incomparably stronger enemy, thanks to social integration brought about by patriotism & love of country. However, owing to the constant pressure, the national feeling was accompanied by a feeling of guilt so that one fraction of Croats adopted the negative national identification. 2 Tables, 3 Graphs, 14 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the current trends of the globalization of trade, capital flow, mass media, communication, transport, tourism, & economic migrations. However, there is the backlash to the globalizing processes, ie, cultural particularism, which has mobilized archaic traditions & triggered violent outbreaks of hostilities. Political scientist Francis Fukuyama has pointed out that, today, the key challenges to liberal democracy are a miscellany of particularisms: religious fundamentalism, extremist nationalism & racism, & Asian authoritarian paternalism. Samuel Huntington also warns about the dangers of ethnic & cultural particularism. Within such a framework, the phenomenon of "ethnic cleansing" is only an extreme form of the trend that has marked the 20th century -- cultural homogenization as a reaction to the problems of multiethnic & multicultural communities. The author is of the opinion that this development need not represent an obstacle to dialogue & communication among cultures. Adapted from the source document.

This is the first chapter of Mirjana Gross's book, Izvorno pravastvo -- ideologija, agitacija, pokret (Genuine Party-of-Rights Spirit -- Ideology, Canvassing, Movement), which is to be published this year. Starcevic & Kvaternik's ideology, revolving around the central rallying cry for an independent Croatian state, is a sort of a combination of liberalism (in Starcevic's liberal democracy) & nationalism, ie, linking the influence of certain European thinkers & ideologues, from the antiquity to the mid-19th century, with the Croatian tradition & sociopolitical circumstances. This chapter briefly outlines those European political doctrines that inspired the Party-of-Right ideologues & that, partly adopted & interpreted in line with the Croatian national-integrational ideology, became part of their teaching. Adapted from the source document.