The recent Supreme Court decision in Saenz v. Roe struck down a California welfare law that imposed residency requirements on recent arrivals to the state. In vindicating the mobility rights of migrants, the Court breathed new life into the Fourteenth Amendment's Privileges or Immunities Clause. This Article suggests that, however misconceived the decision might appear from the perspective of welfare law, it usefully serves to promote a common American identity on which nationalist sentiments crucially depend. The core nationalist symbol for Americans is the idea of constitutionally-protected liberties that I call liberal nationalism A liberal nationalist understanding of the Privileges or Immunities Clause has four implications for constitutional interpretation. First, it suggests that the mobility rights the Saenz court upheld deserve the high degree of protection they received in that case. Second, the argument from nationalism offers an explanation for cases where the Supreme Court has been faulted for failing to protect national symbols such as the flag. More than the flag, constitutional liberties are a national symbol for Americans, and in upholding the right to deface the flag on free speech grounds, the Court has merely preferred one patriotic symbol to another. Third, a nationalist perspective suggests that basic liberties should enjoy constitutional protection at the national level and should not be entirely returned to the states. But for the argument from nationalism, a strong case could be made for a very thin set of national constitutional liberties, or even for state opt-out rights. Finally, nationalist concerns suggest a need for caution before removing contentious issues from political deliberation by turning them into constitutional rights. In politics, there are only winners and losers, and there is no great shame in being a loser; but in American constitutional law the losers can be faulted for a want of loyalty to core American values, and this must weaken American nationalism.
[Nationalism and multiculturalism] In order to assess the different argumentative strategies designed to reconcile nationalism and multiculturalism, this article considers in turn the two following possibilities: to take as a starting-point the civic-vs.-ethnic-nationalism division and settle for the civic/political variety supposedly embodied by the U.S. and French models of citizenship and their - otherwise sharply distinct - ways of managing cultural heterogeneity; or to disaggregate the notion of 'multiculturalism' by demonstrating that in fact, the political claims generally advanced under this rubric either aim at promoting the integration of ethnocultural minorities into mainstream national institutions, or can best be understood as competing, nationalist demands. It ends up concluding that for as long as national identity alone may provide the sense of common membership on which the antidiscrimination project and, more generally, the promotion of social justice ultimately rest, defenders of 'multiculturalism' probably ought to refrain from denouncing the uniformity-enhancing, oppressive nature of nationalism - if only on strategic grounds. ; Pour évaluer les arguments stratégiquement avancés par certains acteurs en vue de concilier nationalisme et multiculturalisme, cet article examine successivement les deux possibilités suivantes : prendre pour point de départ l'opposition entre nationalisme civique et nationalisme ethnique et trancher en faveur de la variété civique/politique, que sont censés incarner les modèles américain et français de citoyenneté avec leurs méthodes de gestion de l'hétérogénéité culturelle pourtant très différentes ; ou procéder au démontage de la notion de " multiculturalisme " en montrant qu'en réalité les revendications politiques généralement avancées sous cette appellation soit visent à promouvoir l'intégration des minorités ethno-culturelles au sein des institutions nationales du pays englobant, soit s'interprètent comme des revendications concurrentes, nationalistes. Il en ...
[Nationalism and multiculturalism] In order to assess the different argumentative strategies designed to reconcile nationalism and multiculturalism, this article considers in turn the two following possibilities: to take as a starting-point the civic-vs.-ethnic-nationalism division and settle for the civic/political variety supposedly embodied by the U.S. and French models of citizenship and their - otherwise sharply distinct - ways of managing cultural heterogeneity; or to disaggregate the notion of 'multiculturalism' by demonstrating that in fact, the political claims generally advanced under this rubric either aim at promoting the integration of ethnocultural minorities into mainstream national institutions, or can best be understood as competing, nationalist demands. It ends up concluding that for as long as national identity alone may provide the sense of common membership on which the antidiscrimination project and, more generally, the promotion of social justice ultimately rest, defenders of 'multiculturalism' probably ought to refrain from denouncing the uniformity-enhancing, oppressive nature of nationalism - if only on strategic grounds. ; Pour évaluer les arguments stratégiquement avancés par certains acteurs en vue de concilier nationalisme et multiculturalisme, cet article examine successivement les deux possibilités suivantes : prendre pour point de départ l'opposition entre nationalisme civique et nationalisme ethnique et trancher en faveur de la variété civique/politique, que sont censés incarner les modèles américain et français de citoyenneté avec leurs méthodes de gestion de l'hétérogénéité culturelle pourtant très différentes ; ou procéder au démontage de la notion de " multiculturalisme " en montrant qu'en réalité les revendications politiques généralement avancées sous cette appellation soit visent à promouvoir l'intégration des minorités ethno-culturelles au sein des institutions nationales du pays englobant, soit s'interprètent comme des revendications concurrentes, nationalistes. Il en conclut que, aussi longtemps que l'identité nationale est la seule à pouvoir fournir un sentiment d'appartenance commune sur laquelle repose en définitive le projet antidiscriminatoire comme, plus généralement, la promotion de la justice sociale, le partisans du "multiculturalisme" feraient sans doute mieux de s'abstenir de dénoncer le caractère uniformisateur et oppresseur du nationalisme, ne serait-ce que pour des raisons stratégiques.
If any issue dominates contemporary political theory, it is how to deal with cultural diversity and the claims –moral, legal, and political – made in the name of ethnic, religious, linguistic, or national allegiance (Kymlicka,2001: 17). Today, governments are confronted by demands from cultural minorities for recognition, protection,preferential treatment, and political autonomy within the boundaries of the state. Equally, international societyand its political institutions, as well as states themselves, have had to deal with demands from various peoplesfor political recognition as independent nations, and for national self-determination. The turbulent politics ofthe contemporary world may account in part for this development: the collapse of communist Eastern Europeled to an upsurge of nationalist demands from peoples aspiring to statehood; the challenges to the legitimacyof rulers in such places as Kashmir, Burma, East Timor, and Bougainville have fed demands for national independence as well as attempts at secession; the emergence of an indigenous peoples' movement gave furtherencouragement to aboriginal groups calling for affirmative action, or compensation for past injustice, as wellas rights of self-government; and the mass migrations of peoples, fleeing war or simply seeking better opportunities in new countries, have seen the emergence of substantial cultural minorities in states unprepared forthe problems this could bring.
The Bharatiya Janata Party — Indian People's Party — in power in New Delhi is about to return to Hindu nationalism of 1980-90, a period that had been marked by unprecedented anti-Muslim violence since the 1947 Partition. This is due to the incredible electoral success of one of the regional leaders of the BJP, Narendra Modi, the head of the Gujarat government, whose extreme xenophobia is so popular in some sectors of the middle class that party leaders are preparing to imitate it to regain this traditional electoral base. ; Le Bharatiya Janata Party - Parti du peuple indien - au pouvoir à New Delhi - est en passe de renouer avec le nationalisme hindou militant des années 1980-90, une période qui, du coup, avait été marquée par des violences anti-musulmanes sans précédent depuis la Partition de 1947. Ce revirement s'explique par l'incroyable succès électoral d'un des leaders régionaux du BJP, Narendra Modi, le chef du gouvernement du Gujarat dont la xénophobie extrême s'avère tellement populaire dans certains secteurs de la classe moyenne que les chefs du parti s'apprêtent à l'imiter pour reconquérir cette base électorale traditionnelle
The book is divided in five sections dealing with the multifaceted phenomenon of nationalism in Europe: (a) Historiography and Methodology in the Study of Nationalism; (b) Nation-Building and Nationalism in the Multinational Empires; (c) Nation-Building in Germany and Italy; (d) Nation and Nationalisms in the Old-Established States; and (e) Nationalism in Europe Today. A common feature to most of the papers is their 'qualitative' and analytical nature. The first theme cutting across many of the papers compiled in the book is that concerning the primordialist/modernist axis or, in other words, the deterministic/functional division made among the diverse interpretations of scholars of nationalism. Very few of the latter would refuse to accept the existence of 'proto-nations' prior to the Modern Age, and that collective identity of a diverse territorial nature played and important role in the shaping of contemporary nationalism. Likewise, it would awkward to regard the nationalist phenomena as a 'natural' product of history beyond the paramount impact of the modern processes of social, economic and political changes (bureaucratization, colonization, industrialization and urbanization, to name a few). However, the attempts to conciliate both positions are rare to find, a feature which the pages of this book reflect conclusively. ; Peer reviewed
The emergence of nationalism in India and the crystallisation of antagonism between Hindus and Muslims at the end of the 19th century were often interpreted in the light of 'instrumentalist' and 'diffusion' theories of nationalism, which neglected the weight of ideology and the ambivalence of cultural 'diffusion'. Indeed, it seems that it was the negative judgement of the colonisers of Indian society that prompted the elite to reform it; in doing so, she returned to the sources of her tradition which, reinterpreted, provided new identity and pride, the foundations of Indian nationalism to the Hindou cultural foundation. Although Gandhi is keen to involve Muslims in the national movement, Gandhi will complete this process — in line with A.D. Smith's model of nationalism — by completely rehabilitating national identity by putting Hindu "traditional" values into practice. ; L'émergence du nationalisme en Inde et la cristallisation de l'antagonisme entre Hindous et musulmans à la fin du 19e siècle ont souvent été interprétées à la lumière de théories « instrumentalistes » et « diffusionriistes » du nationalisme, qui négligeaient le poids de l'idéologie et l'ambivalence de la « diffusion » culturelle. Il semble en effet que ce soit le jugement négatif porté par les colonisateurs sur la société indienne qui a incité l'élite hindoue à la réformer ; ce faisant elle est retournée aux sources de sa tradition qui, réinterprétée, a fourni une identité et une fierté nouvelles, bases d'un nationalisme indien au fondement culturel hindou. Bien que soucieux d'associer les Musulmans au mouvement national, Gandhi achèvera ce processus — conforme au modèle du nationalisme d'A.D. Smith — en réhabilitant tout à fait l'identité nationale par la mise en pratique de valeurs « traditionnelles » hindoues.
National audience ; Traditionnellement, les anthropologues étudient les ethnies, les tribus, les castes, la parenté ou les communautés. Aujourd'hui, il sera pourtant question du nationalisme, du nationalisme appréhendé à travers des schèmes culturels et émotionnels fort anciens qui alimentent la conviction tempérée ou fanatique des Indiens. Ce choix en réalité n'en fut pas un. Permettez-moi donc de sacrifier à l'ego-histoire pour vous raconter comment un anthropologue fut saisi par le nationalisme sur le « terrain » — brutalement.
This is a lively and well-written textbook, which will prove a valuable addition to the IR textbook series - mainly because the ideas it covers have changed so fundamentally in the last ten years. Nationalism and ethnicity are uniquely considered within the context of both traditional IR theory and 'new' IR (ie Cold War perspectives). Joireman explains the conflict between primordialism (the view that ethnicity is inborn and ethnic division natural), instrumentalism (ethnicity is a tool to gain some larger, typically material end) and social constructivism (the emerging consensus that ethnicity is flexible and people can make choices about how they define themselves). Case studies are included on Quebec, Bosnia, Northern Ireland and Eritrea. ; https://scholarship.richmond.edu/bookshelf/1157/thumbnail.jpg
N.F.S. Grundtvig og den nationale bevægelse i WalesAf A.M. AllchinUdviklingen i Europa gennem de seneste år har gjort det til en vigtig opgave at tage Grundtvigs tanker om det folkelige og nationale op til fornyet overvejelse og at inddrage nye synsvinkler for at opnå. en skånsom vurdering. I denne artikel har forfatteren fremlagt et materiale fra Wales til brug for sådanne overvejelser.Det engelske sprogs dominerende indflydelse og - i større eller mindre sammenh.ng hermed - den amerikanske mediekulturs næsten monopolagtige dominans har bevirket en særlig form for internationalisering i sproglig, kulturel og politisk henseende. Hvis målestokken for en vurdering af det nationale udelukkende hentes fra sådanne aspekter af internationalt samkvem, vil resultatet let blive ringeagt for lokalsamfundene, idet disse har som deres fremmeste opgave at værne om deres historiske arv. Resultatet kan også. blive manglende forståelse for etnisk-nationale mindretal eller foragt for regionernes bestræbelse på at st. vagt om deres lokale særpræg.Ganske vist har vi gennem de seneste år tillige kunnet observere en kraftig modreaktion imod .de stores. overherredømme; men det er dog fortsat en væsentlig opgave at s.ge klarhed om balanceforholdet mellem internationalt fællesskab og de 'små lokale' enheder med deres religiøse, sproglige, kulturelle og politiske egenart. Som en supplerende indfaldsvinkel for en afvejning af dette forhold kan det lønne sig at betragte den nationale selvstændighedsbevægelse i Wales, og en udtømmende forståelse heraf forudsætter, at inspirationen fra Grundtvig og den danske højskolebevægelse bliver taget med i betragtning.Som en parallel til denne inddragelse af Wales og den truede walisiske folkekultur peger forfatteren på Anders Pontoppidan Thyssens pionerarbejde om Haderslev Stifts historie. (Artiklen er en bearbejdelse af et foredrag, der blev holdt ved et symposium arrangeret i anledning af AP. Thyssens 70-.rs dag i 1991).Den walisiske politiker og skuespilforfatter, John Saunders Lewis (1893-1985) giver i et af sine skuespil et levende og morsomt billede af, hvorledes indflydelsen fra Grundtvigs tanker på den walisiske stræben efter kulturel og politisk selvstændighed har udfoldet sig. Imidlertid er det ikke Lewis, der først blev opmærksom på Grundtvig, men derimod David James Davies (1893-1956). Denne var i 1920'rne på flere ophold ved danske højskoler og modtog herfra en inspiration, der fik afgørende betydning for hans indsats for den nationale selvstændighedsbevægelse i Wales. Davies' idealer undergik en kraftig forvandling efter mødet med de grundtvigske tanker. Mens han i sin ungdom havde været påvirket af en benhård kommunisme og været overbevist om, at en socialistisk planøkonomi var den eneste mulige vej til retfærdighed i samfundet, blev han efter besøgene på de danske højskoler ført ind på en kurs, der snarere var orienteret ud fra samtalens nødvendighed og individernes vilje til indsats.Ganske vist bevarede Davies hele sit liv en social indignation og en visionær lidenskab, men den blev nu afstemt af, at han samtidig betonede de muligheder, der l. i andelstanken. Under et af sine ophold i Danmark midte Davies en ung irsk kvinde, Noelle French, der senere blev hans hustru. De blev begge forgrundsskikkelser i kampen for at vinde forståelse for Grundtvigs tanker i Wales.Noelle Davies forfattede flere skrifter, der fremdeles m. betragtes som værdifulde og læseværdige fremstillinger af Grundtvigs overvejelser om livsoplysning. Noelle Davies havde endvidere gennem mange år nær tilknytning til Grundtvig-Selskabet og forfattede bl.a. de engelske resuméer til årbogen. AM. Allchin går i sin artikel desuden ind på hovedpersonernes religi.se overbevisning og deres konfessionelle ståsted. Mens Saunders Lewis blev katolik og lod sig inspirere af den franske filosof Jacques Maritain, var Davies protestant og frikirkeligt orienteret. Davies' antiklerikale grundholdning rummer utvivlsomt lighedstræk med sider af de folkelige vækkelser i Danmark, men han havde dog også. en udtalt kærlighed til gudstjenesten, i særdeleshed den metodistiske tradition, der i det hele taget har spillet en afgørende rolle i Wales frem til i dag.Spørgsmålet melder sig da, om ikke Grundtvigs tanker også. i fremtiden vil kunne øve indflydelse i Wales? Hidtil har der kun været tale om ganske sporadiske ansatser, men maske kan det betragtes som opmuntrende tegn, at der gennem de seneste år er foreg.et en udvikling henimod flere institutioner i selvstændigt walisisk regi, både inden for kirke, kultur og samfundsliv.
During the past decade and a half, Kurdish nationalism has scored some remarkable political successes — be it at a terrible cost. For most of our century, Kurdish nationalism remained the concern of a relatively small educated elite, that from time to time entered into ephemeral alliances with local chieftains or religious leaders, resulting in short-lived rebellions of limited geographical scope. In recent years, however, Kurdish nationalism has become a mass movement in all parts of Kurdistan, with an appeal that transcends state boundaries as well as regional differences.
