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I assert that methodological nationalism (national paradigm) is one of the main reasons of methodological inertia of the current historiography especially in the area of the post-communist European countries. In the current article I argue that comparative history could be a bridge between conventional (mainstream) historiography and approaches of so-called macrohistory. In this context typology should be treated as one of possible methods of comparative history. The most traditional approach of medievalists to articulate classification of pre-modern European societies is consider whether particular pre-modern society is feudal or not. However I argue that this approach is quite complicated because of ambiguity and polysemy of the term. There are at least several Marxist and non-Marxist alternatives like the tributary mode of production, patrimonialism versus feudalism dichotomy or the so-called type/model of early Central European state. The application of the concept of the African mode of production in the case of typology of some European pre-modern peripheral societies despite of its paradoxically looking etimology also is plausible. ; I assert that methodological nationalism (national paradigm) is one of the main reasons of methodological inertia of the current historiography especially in the area of the post-communist European countries. In the current article I argue that comparative history could be a bridge between conventional (mainstream) historiography and approaches of so-called macrohistory. In this context typology should be treated as one of possible methods of comparative history. The most traditional approach of medievalists to articulate classification of pre-modern European societies is consider whether particular pre-modern society is feudal or not. However I argue that this approach is quite complicated because of ambiguity and polysemy of the term. There are at least several Marxist and non-Marxist alternatives like the tributary mode of production, patrimonialism versus feudalism dichotomy or the so-called type/model of early Central European state. The application of the concept of the African mode of production in the case of typology of some European pre-modern peripheral societies despite of its paradoxically looking etimology also is plausible.

The category of the system of government in Poland requires reference to 'the governance style' of the right, and to the tendency that has appeared in international politics in recent years to call it populist nationalism. The objective of this paper is to show that in the case of Poland after 2015, the thesis of the retreat of democracy has no factual grounds, and it can be countered through the use of evidence. The system of government in Poland after the Law and Justice party came to power cannot be described as a contradiction to democracy. Citizens are not being manipulated and deceived. They are aware of the content of decisions made by the executive branch. The opposition is able to act freely, and it is supported by independent private media. There are many veto points in the political system. The government can count on public support that is stronger than that of the governments from the period before 2015.

The article presents the political, social, ethnical and economic situation in Bosnia-Herzegovina 15 years after the signing of the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The agreement offi cially fi nished the war in this country. The goal of this article is to describe the complexity of the internal situation and the problems of the construction of a stable and independent state. The article discusses an extremely complicated political system, that was imposed in the peace agreement, which alongside with different political businesses of three constitutional nations is leading to the decision-making paralysis and makes stable ruling is making impossible. The role of the High Representative UN/EU was also described. The role is to coordinate the activity of international community and is indeed exercising the sovereign power in the state contributing to therecognition that Bosnia, although is an independent and sovereign state, actually became an international protectorate. Various opinions about the effectiveness of the High Representative and the legitimacy of taken actions were presented. The fact that (between 1992–2004) NATO forces (executing military missions) and (from 2004) European forces (executing civil-military missions) stationed in Bosnia-Herzegovina is not without meaning. The author is also paying attention to the fact that a complicated and strained ethnic situation is a source of stagnation in BiH and individual constitutional nations have completely different expectations and political businesses which is making impossible to form a civil nation (national) and is still jeopardizing the state's territorial integrity.

In the states which formed on the territory of the former Yugoslavia, ethnic/national cultures are developing independently, alongside a parallel shared post-Yugoslav culture. This culture is not a continuation of the official cultural collaboration between the Yugoslav nations which took place when Yugoslavia existed, rather it is a new phenomenon. It is appearing in opposition to nationalism, against the closing off of culture into narrow ethno-national frames and is based on the genuine existence of a cultural unity older than the common state which was created from the common Yugoslav state itself. It seeks creative responses to the problems caused by the wars and collapse of Yugoslavia in the 1990s. It also looks for the appropriate analytical instruments. The author uses the Biblioteka XX vek (The 20th Century Library) as an example – the book series which he founded and publishes in the field of humanities and social sciences. The alternative post-Yugoslav culture is characterised by the high quality of what it offers. However, its protagonists are simultaneously criticised by the nationalist circles in power in the states formed after the dissolution of Yugoslavia, who consider the post-Yugoslav cultural unity an alleged national betrayal.

This article describes why the Polish government has pushed for an invocation to Christian traditions in the European Union Constitution. It is ar- gued that this is a rather 'unfortunate' outcome of the political alliance between the Catholic Church and the Polish left, especially between President Alek- sander Kwas ́niewski and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD). This alliance al- lowed the SLD to legitimize their rule in the post-socialist Poland, and it was a result of a political competition between them and the post-Solidarnos ́c ́ elites. As a result, John Paul II became the central integrative metaphor for the Polish society at large, which brought back in the marginalized as well as allowed the transition establishment to win the EU accession referendum in 2003. The arti- cle (which was written when Leszek Miller was still Prime Minister) demon- strates how this alliance crystallized and presents various elements of the cult of the Pope in Poland that followed. Finally, it argues that the worship of the Pope is not an example of nationalism, but of populism, understood not as a peripheral but as a central political force, and advocates for more research on the 'politics of emotions' at work in the centers and not in peripheries.

In the interwar period which started in 1918 after the Great War, the dominant politics was that of the economic liberalism which, along with the changes taking place on the political scene, shifted towards interventionism or economic nationalism. This path was also taken by three countries of Central Europe, i.e. Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Hungary. However, each one of them implemented its own economic policy, initially largely dependent on the heritage of the previous era. After the post-war economy (war economy in Poland), the time has come for the economic prosperity, and afterwards, the Great Depression which reevaluated politicians' thinking about the economy. At the beginning of the 1930s, the Central European countries started to move away from the liberal concepts in favour of interventionism and statism. Each of them tried to implement this 'common' concept in its own way. None of the countries achieved their intended goals. The fall of Czechoslovakia and Poland in 1939 and Hungary's dependence on Germany was by no means the result of adopting the erroneous economic policy by any of the countries of Central Europe. It was a consequence of the German policy of Drang nach Osten, which they could not oppose together (for political reasons), much less on their own. The aim of the article is to present mechanisms of the economic policy of the Second Republic of Poland in comparison to countries of Central Europe, which is understood, to follow Piotr Wandycz, as a tight territorial, cultural, economic region including the Republic of Poland, the Republic of Czechoslovakia, and the Kingdom of Hungary. The discussion also addresses modernization.